Contemporary Polish Emigration

Bulletin No. 1
November 2007
Contemporary
Polish Emigration
Paweł Kaczmarczyk
Joanna Tyrowicz
Bulletin created
under the ‘Work in Poland’ programme
A programme
of the Polish-American Freedom Foundation
Programme implemented
by the Foundation for Social and Economic Initiatives
Foundation for Social and Economic Initiatives
Warsaw, November 2007
Print run: 500
Graphic design: Frycz | Wicha
Layout: Mirosław Piekutowski
Translation: Christopher Smith
All rights reserved.
Reprinting or reproduction of all or part of this bulletin in any form without written
consent of the Foundation for Social and Economic Initiatives is prohibited.
Contemporary
Polish Emigration
Paweł Kaczmarczyk
Joanna Tyrowicz
BIULETYN nr 1
Poland – a land of emigration
Poland is typically referred to as a nation of emigrants, a country where the
level of departures abroad exceeds that of arrivals by incoming foreigners. Basically, influx into Poland was negligible until the time of the systemic changes from
1989, while emigration by Poles has had a significant effect on socio-economic
processes in Poland for centuries. Since at least the mid 19th century, labour
migration has played a dominant role, arising from the desire to improve
living conditions or even just to achieve the basics for existence.
It is difficult to estimate the scale of emigration because of the varied nature
of migration processes – permanent departures, departures for seasonal work
abroad, or circulatory migrations characterised by stays abroad of various
lengths, various motivations, and various features of the persons involved. As
borders are opened, it becomes more and more difficult to estimate the scale
of particular types of departures. It is possible, however, to provide at least approximate levels depicting the dimensions of mobility prior to Poland’s entry into
the European Union, in order to compare them to the latest trends in Polish
migration.
or – more broadly – the Polish labour market. There is nothing to indicate, for
example, that young people going abroad were unable to find work in Poland
(many of them had yet to enter the labour market). It is also difficult to separate
the interdependent effects of migration and the improved economy. Moreover,
statistical data, as well as available analyses, indicate rather that in certain
situations, participation in departures abroad may lead to more or less
permanent deactivation on the Polish labour market; migration may thus
lead not so much to a decline in unemployment as to an increase in the
level of professional inactivity.
In the public debate, the issue of labour shortages in Poland is brought up
more and more often. It is argued that shortages are an effect of the flow of employees abroad. Some of the observed phenomena in fact do have such a basis,
but it should be pointed out that similar processes (a significant increase in the
number of unfilled job openings) are also observed in the Czech Republic and
Hungary – countries where such a massive outflow of employees has not occurred. In terms of knowledge about emigration and the workings of the labour
market, it appears that the low level of professional activity of Polish residents is
of much greater significance, and departures abroad are only strengthening trends present on the Polish labour market since the mid-1990s.
Are people leaving because there are no jobs in Poland?
In public debate concerning the labour market, the theory is usually put
forward that migration is supposedly the key factor responsible for a fall
in the level of unemployment. In reality, however, the intensification of departures over the past several years is clearly linked with the worsening situation
on the labour market in the period 2001-2005. The unemployment level could
thus be treated as a driving factor. It is also often said that the notable improvement in the labour market is thanks to mass migration. This way of thinking is
misleading insofar as the decision to emigrate is a personal (or family) decision,
and as such it need not always be tied to individual difficulties on the local
4
Emigration in the 19th century and the first half of the 20th century
Beginning in the more distant past: it is estimated that in the era of global transcontinental emigration, that is, from 1860 to 1940, some 5 million people left
Poland, of whom about 1.7 million went to the United States, although, as it
happened, some 20-30% of emigrants returned to Poland. This number may
be supplemented by a group of people, hard to define more specifically but no
doubt quite numerous, who went abroad temporarily, often seasonally and for
short periods (chiefly to France and Germany). The period of several years following World War II was also a phase of increased mobility, but of an entirely
Contemporary Polish Emigration
different nature. Crucial in this respect was the fact that as of the end of military
operations, about 5 million people, or 20% of the population who survived the
war, were located beyond the Polish border. Mass resettlement up to 1950
affected some 3 to 4 million Poles, which is particularly significant because those population changes largely shaped the current social conditions in Poland.
Foreign departures under communist Poland
By comparison, the period of communist Poland appears very immobile, which
is also suggested by one of the terms used to define this stage in emigrant literature: the ‘Great Closing’. Official statistics for emigration in the early 1950s
refer to annual emigration by only a few thousand people, or else somewhere in
the range of 10,000 to 20,000. The figures increased only in the second half of
the decade, when the authorities permitted persons of German nationality (with
the right to claim German citizenship) to leave. The 1960s were a period of slow
growth in the scale of migration, in this case chiefly accounted for by departures
to Eastern Bloc countries; according to data from the Central Statistical Office
(GUS), the total number emigrating in the decade was about 240,000. The next
decade saw liberalisation in the rules for foreign travel, reaching a high point in
1988 when changes in passport policy were announced. The effects of specific
policy decisions (simplification of exit formalities, ability to exchange foreign
currency, and the like) were clearly visible: in 1971 there were 200,000 departures to East Germany, and in 1972, 9.5 million; in the case of Czechoslovakia,
there were 290,000 departures in 1970, and in 1977, 1.1 million. In addition
to migration within the Eastern Bloc, there were more and more departures for
the ‘the West’. It is estimated that in the years 1971-1980, a total of 4.2 million people left for the countries of Western Europe, including 3 million in the
years 1976-1980. These trends continued in the next decade; however, the
1980s were not only an era of slow lifting of restrictions, but also a time
of political and economic crisis and a disastrous societal mood, leading
to a high desire for mobility. The effects were clearly visible: in 1984 there
were 588,000 departures to the West; in 1985, 1.1 million; in 1988, 2.8 million; and on the threshold of transformation, in 1989, 19 million people went
abroad (multiple departures). Marek Okólski has estimated the total number of
emigrants in 1980-1989 at 2.20-2.35 million. The nationwide census (NSP)
conducted in 1988, just prior to the changeover in the political system, found
that 507,800 people, or 1.3% of the total population, remained abroad for a
period of more than 2 months.
Contemporary Polish migration – the scale
A starting point in attempting to evaluate contemporary migration by Poles
should be at least an approximate determination of the scale of migration.
There is a fundamental difficulty, however, arising out of the problem of
defining contemporary mobility and the mixing of different types and
categories of migration. (This is a general phenomenon, and does not affect
Poland alone.) Migration nowadays is less frequently a one-time move involving a change in permanent residence, but more often involves shortterm forms of mobility, with multiple circulations rather than the ‘classic’
form of emigration.
An additional problem, clearly, is the necessity to distinguish between the concepts of source and stream (flux). Should we be interested only in the new flow,
i.e. migration since 2004, or should we also study all persons spending time in
a given country? We should bear in mind in this context that in many instances
opening of labour markets offered an opportunity to legalise one’s stay and for
employment of persons who had arrived there earlier. Moreover, it is unwarranted to stack and double-count various migration streams. The best example
is seasonal migration to Germany, in which many of the same people participate year after year. Thus it is necessary to analyse data concerning different
5
BIULETYN nr 1
migration streams, to study their rates of change and the structural characteristics at the level of specific local populations; these aspects tell us more about
the significance of migration than doubtful information on the nationwide scale
of migration.
Changes in migration scale since 1989
1989 without a doubt marked a turning point in Polish history. The transition
from communism to a free-market democracy had a great influence on
mobility. Firstly, the transformation entailed drastic changes in many spheres of
life, including those related to the labour market. Secondly, complete freedom
of mobility (not the same as free access to the labour markets of host countries)
meant that temporary excursions, often circulatory in nature, became relatively
more favourable; in the period prior to 1989, going abroad was often a final
decision, with long-term consequences. From the time when rules for foreign
travel were liberalised, Poles could not only leave their country, but also return.
Thirdly, and paradoxically, the opportunity for statistical estimation of the phenomenon of migration was reduced, chiefly because of elimination of the police
register of foreign travel (SERP) but also because of the changing mechanisms of
migration, with emigration for permanent resettlement becoming less significant
compared to the growing role of temporary mobility.
According to register data, the official statistics for emigration in Poland, from
1990 through the middle of 2006 about 378,000 emigrants left Poland. These
data reveal little about the true scale of migration, however, because they refer
only to migration by persons who left the country with the intention of settling
abroad and also de-registered themselves as permanent residents of Poland.
Census data are much more reliable. According to the Microcensus from
1995, the number of Polish permanent residents staying abroad temporarily was estimated at about 900,000, or 2% of the population. Accord-
6
ing to the most recent National Census (NSP) from 2002, 786,000 Polish
residents were abroad on a temporary stay (1.8% of the population).
Actual emigration during this period was significantly greater, because the census did not cover people who had left Poland after de-registering themselves as
permanent residents (another 300,000 people). The data do show very clearly,
however, that throughout the period of transformation the scale of emigration from Poland was very large. This is confirmed by data from the Population Economic Activity Study (BAEL), which indicate the absence of 150,000
– 200,000 persons in each quarter between 1994 and 2003 (see Figure 1).
The phenomenon of seasonal migration
The BAEL data presented above include people who were members of households in Poland and staying abroad for longer than two months. This means that
to a large extent the data did not provide information about seasonal workers
employed abroad legally, because in that case contracts were typically for less
than 8 weeks. Seasonal migration has been one of the most important
streams of migration from Poland during the transformation period –
certainly the largest in numerical terms prior to the mass departures for
the UK and Ireland after 1 May 2004 – with 100,000 to 400,000 Polish
workers taking legal seasonal employment each year, the great majority of them
in Germany.
Seasonal migration is an example of ‘second-generation’ recruitment of a foreign workforce. Following the failure of the mass recruitment processes which
took place in Western European countries in the 1950s and 1960s (i.e. ‘Gastarbeiting’), the 1990s saw a return to the idea of temporary employment of foreigners under narrowly defined and restrictive rules. One of the most important
agreements of this type was the Polish-German treaty signed in December
1990. On the German side, the most important role was the desire to legalise
the status of illegal immigrants and to assure a supply of cheap labour. In the
Contemporary Polish Emigration
Figure. 1. Permanent residents of Poland abroad for more than 2 months, according to
BAEL, 1994-2007
600
500
400
300
200
2007
2006
2005
2004
2003
2002
2001
2000
1999
1998
1997
1996
1995
0
1994
100
persons abroad longer than 12 months
persons abroad longer than 2 months but less than one year
Source: authors’ compilation from BAEL data
Germany
USA
UK
Italy
Spain
Other
Ireland
2007
2006
2005
2004
2003
2002
2001
2000
case of Poland, the programme was supposed to provide a chance to reduce
the costs of the transformation the country was undergoing. Poles could work
legally under the treaty in specific sectors of the German economy for up to
600
3 months (extended to 9 months in the case of exhibitions). After some time it
500
turned
out that the most important role was played by agriculture, where more
400 90% of seasonal employees found work. The programme itself was a
than
great
success: by 1993, the number of permits for seasonal work was
300
more than 140,000, and in 2004 nearly 300,000.
200
Why such interest in seasonal migration? Firstly, prior to EU accession this was
100 of the few options for legal employment abroad, which proved imone
portant
for many Polish residents who did not want to rely on opportunities for
0
illegal work. Secondly, the nature of the work was such that it did not require
any qualifications; seasonal labour required only a large input of physical labour, rather than any special competencies, which meant that it was an option
that was accessible to almost anyone. Thirdly, the explosion of seasonal migration was clearly tied to the worsening condition of the Polish labour market.
For many Polish households, it became the only, or most important way
of earning money to support the family. Finally, seasonal emigration is a
typical form of short-term migration, and experience showed that in the case
of a large group of seasonal employees, the advantage over long-term mobility
included the fact that it allowed them to combine activity on both the Polish and
German labour markets, thus minimizing many of the downsides of migration
(such as the toll of family separation).
Features of Polish emigration in the first phase of transformation
The following features stand out in terms of the structural mobility of Poles during
the earlier stages of the transformation from 1989 on:
AA a continually large scale of mobility, with strong connections between migration processes and the situation on the Polish labour markets, especially
visible in the late 1990s;
AA a strong concentration in destination countries, dominated by Germany and
the United States;
AA clear geographical patterns; migration at the time was primarily observed
among residents of peripheral areas, typically those with a strong tradition of
emigration (such as the Podlasie, Opole and Podhale regions);
AA migration chiefly among persons with a relatively low level of education, often having problems on the labour market in Poland and difficulties in dealing with the realities of transformation (this type of mobility is sometimes
referred to as ‘incomplete emigration’).
Finally, an important part of the mobility during that time was temporary migration, lasting from a few weeks to a few months, often of a circulatory nature. The
7
BIULETYN nr 1
shift toward temporary departures resulted from the changes already mentioned
in emigration policy, but also from development of the transit network, demand
levels on the labour market in the destination countries, and the balance of
costs (and benefits) related to departures (see Figure 1).
Before and after 1 May 2004 – new and old trends in Polish
mobility
Notwithstanding the great extent of emigration during the transformation period,
the number of Poles staying legally in the most often selected destination countries was relatively small in 2004. The greatest numbers were registered in the
United States (about 470,000) and Germany (about 330,000), followed by the
UK (about 80,000), and Italy and Spain (about 25,000 each).1
From 1 May 2004, as citizens of the European Union, Poles could take
advantage of the privilege of participating in the common labour market. Despite the fact that interim regulations restricted the freedom to work
abroad for a long time (at first only three countries, the UK, Ireland and Sweden,
opened up their labour markets, and restrictions continue in the case of Austria
and Germany), an increase in the scale of Poles’ mobility was foreseeable. But
the reality exceeded the expectations of researchers and public officials.
An important new feature in migration processes from Poland is the appearance
of new destination countries, as well as the gradual disappearance of dominant
migration patterns both in terms of destination country and the characteristics of
the emigrants. The best example here is Great Britain. Data from all available
sources indicate a radical increase in the scale of Polish mobility:
1
8
These numbers do not address temporary mobility, which, as noted before, has been of great (and steadily increasing) significance since 1989.
AA data from the International Passenger Survey (a study of tourist traffic) suggest that in 2006 nearly 5 times as many Poles visited the UK than in 2003
(nearly 1.5 million visits);
AA data from the UK Workers Registration Scheme indicate that from May
2004 through June 2007 more than 450,000 workers from Poland were
registered;
AA data from UK National Insurance Numbers clearly show that Poland has
become the most important country of origin for British immigrants: numbers
issued in 2004 were more than 60,000, in 2005, more than 171,000, and
in 2006, about 223,000 (out of a total of 713,000); since 2004, Poles have
clearly predominated among all nationalities;
AA finally, data from the Labour Force Survey identified about 210,000 Poles
at mid-year 2006, 260,000 at year-end 2006, and 406,000 at mid-year
2007!
Although in the case of the UK the rate of growth in migration is particularly high,
similar phenomena are occurring also in Ireland and in many other countries
(such as Italy, Spain, the Scandinavian countries, and the Netherlands). The
dimensions of post-accession mobility are demonstrated by data from the Polish
BAEL study, showing strong growth in migration figures since 1 May 2004,
at a rate that continues to this day (see Figure 1).
Regardless of the scale and pace of migration – about which more later in this
report – it is worth an attempt to characterise the structural features of the latest
emigration from Poland. Firstly, EU accession changed only slightly the reasons
for migration by Poles. Emigration from Poland was and is a strictly economic
phenomenon. It may be stated, in a slight oversimplification, that it is determined by the differences in wages and living standards between Poland and the
destination countries. It should be borne in mind, however, that wage differentials do not fully explain the rate of growth and the varied forms of migration.
Throughout the transformation period, nonetheless, the situation of the
Polish labour market remained the most significant variable explaining
persons abroad longer than 12 months
persons abroad longer than 2 months but less than one year
Contemporary Polish Emigration
2
CRONEM (2006), Polish migrants survey results, commissioned by BBS Newsnight¸ University of Surrey, Guildford.
Figure 2. Destination countries of Polish migrants, 2000-2007 (2nd quarter), according
to BAEL
600
500
400
300
200
Germany
USA
UK
Italy
Spain
Other
2007
2006
2005
2004
2003
2002
0
2001
100
2000
the intensity and scale of wage mobility among Poles. The weakening of
the labour market in the late 1990s led to a drastic increase in the scale of
mobility and changes in the profile of mobility. In the geographical dimension,
migration chiefly affected peripheral regions, particularly those where the costs
of the transformation were relatively high, and persons for whom the costs were
the highest (i.e. those with a relatively poor education, with skills that were not
highly valued by the modernising economy) tended to participate in migration.
And even though in the last three years departures by persons who are much
younger and better educated have increased (see below), in their case as well
their prospects on the Polish labour market were the most significant criterion by
which they decided to emigrate.
It is difficult to predict what trajectory today’s emigrants will take in the future –
whether they decide to return to Poland, or extend their stay abroad, or perhaps
settle there permanently. Since 1989, labour migration of a temporary character
has predominated. Data from Figure 1 do show that in 2006 relatively long
stays, lasting at least a year, again predominated, but by 2007 this trend had
already reversed. Much depends on the development of the situation in Poland,
and on the position that Poles achieve on the labour markets of the destination
countries – which so far has not been very high.
The results of a study conducted in 2006 by Drinkwater, Eade and Garrapich2 are interesting in this respect. They prepared a preliminary typology based
on the behaviours of Polish immigrants in London. They distinguished four key
groups: ‘storks’ (about 20% of those studied), who participate mainly in circulatory migration, employed in low-wage sectors and spending up to a few months
in the UK; ‘hamsters’ (16%), who treat their stay as a one-time action intended
to achieve a measurable financial goal, and who remain abroad for a longer,
uninterrupted stay; ‘seekers’ (42%), a group of people who have not yet made
Ireland
Source: authors’ compilation from BAEL data
a final decision to return or to remain in the host country (a strategy described
by the authors of the study as ‘intentional unpredictability’); and finally the ‘settlers’ (22%), persons staying in the UK for a longer time and seriously considering remaining there permanently. Apparently, the strategies of contemporary
emigrants from Poland are quite varied; importantly, however, according to the
study, most of those interviewed (70-80%) maintain ongoing contacts with Poland, including regular visits home. Thirdly, the destinations chosen by Polish
emigrants remain largely unchanged – Western Europe, Scandinavia, and the
US Dynamic growth in emigration to the UK and Ireland has made these
the most promising migration markets recently for people leaving Poland. This is clearly shown by Figure 2, which also indicates that Poles are more
and more actively entering EU labour markets, and they seek out the places
where their labour is needed and may be appropriately rewarded.
9
BIULETYN nr 1
Fourthly, the patterns for functioning of emigrants in the destination countries
have not changed appreciably, even though in most cases Poles are working legally. Persons leaving Poland for purposes of earning money continue to
end up in the secondary sectors of the labour markets in the host countries. This results not so much from the characteristics of the Polish immigrants
themselves as from the profile of those labour markets and the demand shown
by employers in the destination countries. This is the case not only in Germany
– a traditional destination for Poles – but also in the contemporary ‘emigration
centres’, i.e. the UK and Ireland. It should be pointed out in this respect that unlike Germany, which has attracted less-educated Polish emigrants, the UK and
Ireland are drawing Poles with a much higher level of education and skills than
in the earlier waves of emigration. As a result, emigrants’ skills may be subject to
gradual depreciation, which will reduce their opportunities for career development both in Poland and on foreign labour markets.
Fifthly, emigrant networks continue to fulfill a very important function.
They are a channel for the flow of information, making it possible to minimise
risk levels and reduce the costs of migration, thus making it easier to decide on
emigration and at the same time shaping geographical and structural migration
patterns. It should be clearly emphasised, however, that the most recent migrations by Poles are more and more based on different information channels (the
Internet) and on the use of institutionalised forms for seeking employment (job
agencies), while the networks in which emigrants take part are based more on
collegial ties than on family.
Polish migration since 1 May 2004 – what’s new?
Firstly, the scale of the phenomenon has changed, particularly the perception of emigration at the level of public debate. It is clear from the data
discussed above that Polish emigration did not begin in 1989, not to mention
upon EU accession. It is a process deeply rooted in Polish society. Nonetheless,
10
the growth in mobility in recent years has made migration a subject of interest
and public debate. For the first time in the modern history of Poland, politicians
have begun paying attention to emigrants, which also demonstrates the importance of the issue.
Secondly, while there have not been drastic changes in the ‘set’ of the most
important destination countries, there have been important changes in their
relative weight. Germany, a traditional destination for Polish emigrants,
has gradually lost in significance. This is demonstrated both by BAEL
data and by data from registry systems. The current boom in the scale
of migration is chiefly a result of the mass departures for the UK and
Ireland (and to a lesser extent to other EU countries), in other words, the
countries that opened their labour markets in May 2004, and moreover, the
profile of their labour markets and the conditions offered there are favourable to employment of Poles.
Thirdly – and perhaps the most clearly visible change – the profile of the
emigrants themselves has changed. The contemporary Polish emigrant is fairly young. This was shown by the data from the National Census
in 2002, according to which about 40% of the nearly 800,000 emigrants
noted in the study were below age 30, and more than half were below 35.
BAEL data clearly show a gradual decrease in age among the population of Polish emigrants. In 1997 those between 18 and 34 made up
48% of emigrants, but by 2002 this figure had increased to 63%, and in the
3rd quarter of 2006 the share of people in this most mobile age bracket
exceeded 70%. The share of women in the overall number of emigrants is
fairly stable, fluctuating between 35% and 45% (depending to a large extent on the country and type of migration). Educational level is also a key
dimension of change. Census data indicated an increase in the educational
level of emigrants as early as the late 1990s, with the phenomenon being
particularly marked in the case of emigration to the UK and the US. It is currently estimated that as many as 30% of emigrants departing for the UK and
Contemporary Polish Emigration
Ireland hold a post-secondary degree, and it should be borne in mind that
this is the most numerous stream of mobility from Poland. Thus, generally
speaking, recent Polish migration has become the domain of young
people (sometimes very young) and the relatively well-educated.
Fourthly, Poland’s EU accession changed the legal status of Polish migration. Prior to 1 May 2004, employment on the basis of treaties signed in the
1990s represented one of the few opportunities for legal work abroad, and this
was taken advantage of on a large scale only in one case, seasonal migration
to Germany. With the opening of labour markets to Polish citizens, this has
changed, and as the statistics show, the opportunity is quite eagerly taken,
particularly by people who have not had prior emigration experience.
This may also suggest that the current migration to the UK and Ireland differs
significantly from the earlier departures to Germany; it is highly likely that those
now choosing English-speaking countries would never have decided to work in
Germany.
Fifthly, mechanisms for mobility are undergoing modification, but not drastic change. While migration networks remain an effective and often-used ‘instrument’ supporting mobility, there has been massive growth in recruitment
activities. Such recruitment, or more broadly, mechanisms for obtaining employment, are not necessarily of an institutional nature. The growth in modern
technology, the level of access to modern telecommunications (the Internet once
again), and the steadily improving language skills of the Polish society bring with
them increased opportunities for individualised ways of seeking work.
Sixthly, while before 1980 it was chiefly residents of rural areas who chose to
emigrate, during the martial law era of the 1980s residents of urban population
centres turned to emigration, and during the period of transformation beginning
in 1989 emigration was again focused mainly on peripheral areas. However,
the wave of intensified departures currently being observed has more
effect on residents of small towns than rural areas and large growth
centres, and regions with a strong tradition of emigration have been joined by
new areas like Świętokrzyskie and Lubelskie provinces, Podkarpacie and Lower Silesia. This also creates ‘islands’ of emigration, meaning that the possible
negative consequences of emigration are much more strongly felt at the level of
specific local communities than on a nationwide scale.
Economic aspects of migration – remittances and their
significance
There are at least two economic effects of migration which should be discussed.
The first is the transfer of remittances from emigrants to their families in Poland
(also including the emigrant’s bringing funds into the country for the emigrant’s
own use). Because most contemporary Polish migration is of a temporary nature,
this effect should be fairly significant, but it is very difficult to estimate the scale of
this phenomenon. According to official data from the National Bank of Poland,
the value of transfers in 2006 was more than USD 4.3 billion, although part of
this amount is known to include salaries of workers employed by transnational
corporations and thus unrelated to emigration. The value of transfers is about
1.3% of gross domestic product, and thus has not been hugely important at the
national economic level.
It should be borne in mind, however, that it is not just the amount of cash transfers from abroad that is important. These funds may have a positive effect on
economic growth in Poland, if only because they are spent on investment or
consumption and stimulate global demand. In this sense it is crucial to consider the pattern of behaviours related to transfers and the use that is made of
funds earned abroad. As may be expected, a relatively small percentage of
migrants spend money earned abroad on classic financial investments
or business activity, but a quite significant group do use the funds to
purchase or renovate a house or apartment, and this no doubt has a
positive effect on growth of the local economy and the local labour market. Moreover, in recent years there has been a more and more pronounced
11
BIULETYN nr 1
trend, particularly in the case of young people, to invest in human capital
(spending on education). There are two less obvious effects which also should
not be overlooked. Firstly, funds earned abroad often make it possible for
households to survive, and secondly, they provide an opportunity to make
a more effective start on the labour market, for example – prospectively –
by providing seed capital for starting one’s own business.
Negative effects of migration?
Qualitative studies indicate that those who emigrate may not necessarily be the
unemployed, but other members of their households (for example, those who
before were professionally inactive, or working and also involved in seasonal
migration). In such instances, the basic motivation to work abroad is to earn
additional funds needed within the given household. But a side effect of such
solution is an increasing passivity on the part of other family members and
households’ growing dependence on transfers from abroad.
A vicious circle (an inability to achieve goals, or the household’s creeping dependence on transfers from abroad, combined with passivity in seeking out
other available opportunities) may lead to negative effects from the societal
point of view. Mobility may be perceived as being industrious, but the problem
is that migrants often return to their passive behaviours as soon as they return to
Poland (despite a high level of activity when they are abroad). It appears that this
is part of a broader process, a type of lifestyle schizophrenia – teetering on the
boundaries between two different worlds, where over time emigrants feel less
and less attached to one world, while it is very difficult (or impossible) for them
to find their place in the other world.
As demonstrated by the experiences of regions where migration processes have
been rooted for many years (such as Opole province), this type of bifurcation
(‘permanently temporary’) may be destructive and often leads to social marginalisation. Wage migration may have a negative effect on motivation to build up
12
human capital and invest in personal and professional growth. Among natives
of Opole province age 18-25, 35% went on to pursue a post-secondary education, but among those without the right to German citizenship the figure was
almost 57%! This suggests that wage migration may sap motivation to accumulate human capital, particularly where the migrant sector takes jobs that require
little or no skills or qualifications.
We must not overlook in closing that insofar as emigration is motivated by a
dream of financial success, a dream which of course can sometimes be achieved,
often it may end in failure in societal terms. Thus it would be difficult to perceive
foreign mobility as a panacea for all the problems of a country undergoing
transformation. It is interesting to note in this context that because of the negative societal effects in many communities where migration has been particularly
intensive, by the late 1990s foreign mobility was no longer perceived as a
success, but rather as evidence that the emigrant was unable to cope
with realities at home.
Recommendations
At the macroeconomic level it would be difficult to argue that contemporary
emigration from Poland has led to local development or the individual growth
of the migrants. The basic reason appears to be the internal inconsistencies
characterising the wave of wage migration currently observed among
Poles. For a significant portion of the migrants, satisfying work was and is available in Poland. For some of those who remain in Poland but do not have jobs,
perhaps an optimal solution is to take up the challenge of a well-prepared departure to work abroad. The most important barriers in this respect are a lack
of satisfactory and accessible information concerning the various opportunities,
and the growing pressure to replicate existing models of migration.
To take any action, it is necessary to increase the level of knowledge on
contemporary migration processes at the local level and to spread that
Contemporary Polish Emigration
knowledge. The latter step appears to be particularly crucial, because the current image of migration in the media is not only misleading, but also appears
to have an alarmingly great influence on the decisions that Poles make on
migration. Emigration is chiefly based on macroeconomic foundations; wage
differentials between Poland and the countries of Western Europe will continue
for a long time to serve as a strong motivation to decide on emigration. It also
appears that attempts to resolve the greatest source of individual and societal
problems related to migration should best be undertaken in specific populations
or at the local community level. Actions at the local level should be aimed
primarily at maintaining migrants’ ties to Poland, particularly economic
ties, in the sense that they should treat migration as a stage in the labour
market, a form of commuting to work which they should be prepared
to change when conditions improve. Programmes directed to the members
of emigrants’ families should be another element of these actions, so that they
are active on the Polish labour market, ‘holding’ emigrants close to the Polish
market, as it were.
In the long-term perspective, it appears that the biggest problem is with
hasty migration decisions made by young people, particularly those who
have not completed their education yet (or who haven’t received formal
qualifications allowing them to perform a specific profession), who have
gone abroad for a certain time to earn a little money at simple jobs unrelated to their intended careers. In such cases there is a danger that they
will give up on further education and thus deprive themselves of opportunities
for professional and social advancement and waste their potential. It would
therefore be worthwhile to take actions bringing young people into contact with
people who have already decided to work abroad in their own profession (creating positive role models for emigration), thus encouraging young people to
continue their education. It also appears necessary to improve the accuracy
and availability of information provided by schools concerning opportunities
for work in particular countries and professions, taking into account also that
the knowledge of teachers and caretakers as well as their credibility in the eyes
of the students may require support (conducting seminars and training courses,
providing information on Internet resources available to teachers such as Interkl@sa and Scholaris, and inviting researchers and representatives of institutions involved in migration processes to visit the schools). These actions could
be undertaken by NGOs in cooperation with local government institutions.
An equally significant threat is presented by the emigration, starting in
2004-2005, of people who are both young and relatively well-educated,
from smaller cities in Poland. They often took jobs below their qualifications
and aspirations, reducing their criteria for deciding to emigrate to the opportunities for earning wages. (The situation on the labour market in Poland was very
difficult then.) Today they find themselves, paradoxically, in much worse shape
than their colleagues who are only two or three years younger and now finishing their education; the situation in Poland is such that an employer’s market
has turned into an employee’s market, improving the start in work and life for
today’s graduates. Their older colleagues with emigration experience, whose
knowledge and skills were significantly devalued during their time abroad, find
that their ability to negotiate their way around the Polish labour market is restricted both by distance and by their own lower self-esteem, and thus they have
less opportunity to take advantage of the current situation in Poland. For their
needs, solutions are required which would not only help them return and
find work, but also find their place again in the current Polish realities
while addressing the difficulties related to recognition of their qualifications and
references from abroad, leverage their savings from the period when they were
working abroad in order to help them start their own businesses (e.g. through
loan funds), and also involve local government in promoting solutions that encourage migrants to be committed to development of the local community.
Children are especially at risk of the negative effects of migration. When
part of the family is ‘delegated’ to work abroad, children may be tossed aside,
upsetting the existing order of the way their family functions, and often are moved
13
BIULETYN nr 1
to another place (e.g. to their grandparents). An increase in the available level
of consumption is only a superficial reward for them; this may also have negative effects on their upbringing. It appears that NGOs could take many steps to
extend psychological and educational support to these children, or simply give
them something to do and encourage them to develop their interests. It appears
crucial to support the development of children in regions of intensive migration
(so that they are not forced to replicate their parents’ career paths) and to encourage schools and other educational centres to involve emigrant parents in
educational decisions by making possible such events as ‘virtual’ parent-teacher
conferences and educational bazaars.
About the authors
Paweł Kaczmarczyk
Dr Paweł Kaczmarczyk is an assistant professor at the University of Warsaw in the
Department of Demography, Faculty of Economics, and director of the Central
European Centre for Economic Research. Since 1997 he has been a member of
the Centre for Migration Research at the University of Warsaw. He is the author
of numerous publications on labour migration and other issues related to the
labour market.
Joanna Tyrowicz
Dr Joanna Tyrowicz is an assistant professor at the University of Warsaw in the
Department of Development Economics, Faculty of Economics, and a research
associate at the Institute for the Study of Labour in Bonn. She has authored publications about the Polish labour market and the activities of NGOs in this area.
She coauthored the analysis of EU programme documents for 2007-2013, including the ex-ante evaluation of Operational Programme ‘Human Capital’.
She has cooperated with FISE since 2005.
14
Contemporary Polish Emigration
Migration balance sheet
When making a decision about emigration, it is important to be aware of the costs and benefits associated with working abroad. Presented below are the hypothetical (but very likely) effects of migration. Alongside the consequences for the migrants and their families, potential effects on the communities and regions from
which they come are also presented.
FOR THE LOCAL
COMMUNITY
FOR MIGRANTS AND
THEIR FAMILIES
Consequences
+
AA Increased standard of living
AA Financing current expenditures
AA Investment activity (including educational investments)
AA Opportunity to work
AA Getting to know a foreign language and culture etc.
AA Passing along patterns for mobility
Consequences
–
AA Working below one’s qualifications – depreciation of human capital
AA Lifestyle schizophrenia – living on the boundary between two worlds
AA Psychological toll of separation from family and friends
AA Breakdown of marital and family ties
AA Escape by young people to large urban centres
AA Better-situated households – less poverty, reduced expenditures on social
benefits
AA Depopulation of peripheral regions
AA Improved infrastructure
AA More or less permanent deactivation on the Polish labour market
AA Stimulation of local labour market
AA Loss of labour resources, problems finding employees
AA Reduced pressure on labour market
AA Conspicuous consumption – inflationary pressure
AA Education of mobile communities
III
This bulletin is one of a series published by the Foundation for Socio-Economic
Initiatives devoted to the issue of the labour market in Poland. Electronic editions of
the bulletins may be found at the website www.bezrobocie.org.pl.
Foundation for Social and Economic Initiatives (FISE)
ul. Polna 24 lok. 7, 00-630 Warsaw
T: + 48 22 875 07 68-69, F: +48 22 825 70 76
e-mail: [email protected], http: www.fise.org.pl