THE VIRGIN MARY IN 19TH- AND 20TH

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Etnografia Polska vol. XXXII, 1988, book 1
PL ISSN 0071-1861
ZOFIA SOKOLEWICZ
(Katedra Etnologii i Antropologii Kulturowej UW)
THE VIRGIN MARY IN 19TH- AND 20TH-CENTURY POLISH
FOLK CULTURE (SELECTED SOURCE ISSUES AND
QUESTIONS WHICH ARISE)
Certain facts have begun to emerge from the increasingly more numerous and
extensive studies of religiosity, including folk religiosity; facts related to the Marian cult
and its huge significance in the lives of local, regional and national communities and for
various professional and artistic groups. However, an analysis of this essentially religious
phenomenon presents certain difficulties; primarily due to the fact that it appears in a
wide variety of forms, including ones of a para-religious, customary or magical nature.
Based on the various works published on the topic up until now, it seems that the Virgin
Mary is present in many domains of Polish folk culture, as can be demonstrated by
various initial comparative research conducted, and the situation is similar in other Slavic
countries and even in European ones. The very interesting text by Maria Frankowska,
entitled Sanktuaria i pielgrzymki — ich rola w procesie ewangelizacji Indian Meksyku
oraz kształtowania się miejscowego synkretyzmu religijnego (1986), which devotes a lot
of space to the Marian cult, can be seen as proof that this phenomenon is also present in
similar cultural contexts, not only outside of Poland but outside of Europe, in almost the
entire Christian world.
In this outline, I would like to indicate some of the types of ethnographic sources
concerning the cult and – more broadly – the Virgin Mary, and the related issues of
source criticism, as well as to suggest a series of research questions which emerge from
such an analysis of the source material.
Maryja (Mary), Bogurodzica (Theotokos, the one who gave birth to God), Matka
Boska1 (the Mother of God), Królowa Niebios (the Queen of the Heavens,
Przenajświętsza Panienka (the Most Holy Lady), Przeczysta (the Most Pure),
Najświętsza (the Holiest)…— these are the names under which she most often appears in
Polish folk culture. The terms “Maryja” and “Bogurodzica” seem to encompass the
others. It is these terms in fact which most often appear as the main entries in
encyclopaedias and indexes containing lists of academic articles.
1
This phrase seems to be the one most often used in Poland – editor’s note.
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In the fundamental position for ethnographers, Handwörterbuch des deutschen
Aberglaubens, we can find the entry “Maria [St.]”. The situation is similar in most
church encyclopaedias and dictionaries, such as Biblejskij Slovar, as well as in the
important Soviet work Mify narodov mira. The Srpski mitoloshki rechnik contains a very
short entry for “Bogurodica”. This was also the term chosen by the index of the second
volume of Kultura ludowa Słowian by K. Moszyński (1967), devoted to spiritual culture.
In the above-mentioned encyclopaedic approaches, the entries for “Maria” and
“Bogurodzica” differ in terms of the content structuring. On this basis, they can be
divided into two groups. The first would include those for which the point of departure is
in principle Mary and which limit themselves to depicting the life history of the
evangelic Mary, who stems from the line of David and is the mother of Jesus. These
entries take into account apocrypha, telling the history of her cult within the Church, as
well as mentioning the basic iconographic motifs and listing the most important works of
art devoted to her. The second group, for which the point of departure is more often the
entry “Bogurodzica” than that of “Maria”, encompasses those entries, where the authors
almost exclusively refer to folk culture, to the almost complete exclusion (Srpski
mitoloshki rechnik) of historical and religious information. Against this background, the
Handwörterbuch des deutschen Aberglaubens is of an exceptional nature, as it contains
both types of information, similarly as is the case with the entry “Mary (Virgin)”,
published in the Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics (1926).
The lack of any entry for “Maria” or “Matka Boska” in the dictionary Słownik
folkloru polskiego should be mentioned, and it can be read as a show of restraint on the
part of folklorists in discussing the topic, as well as a sign of the difficulties connected to
the writing of such an entry, resulting at the very least from the presence of the Virgin
Mary in many domains of folk culture. However, in the classification of plots in folk
tales (Krzyżanowski 1963, II), we come across Marian legends and those about the baby
Jesus in the etiological tales section, marked with the numbers T 2441 to T 2445.
Krzyżanowski devoted much more space to this group in his classification in comparison
to the classification prepared by Aarne-Thompson, simultaneously explaining that such
plots are rare in Protestant and Orthodox countries.
It is difficult for me to give my opinion about this first issue – of the rarity of such
plots in Protestant culture. Krzyżanowski’s statement seems logical in light of Protestant
theology. I do not, however, have enough knowledge of the empirical material on folk
culture from Protestant areas and other reformed churches, thus I can only rely on
Krzyżanowski’s authority and the above-mentioned Aarne and Thompson, but it can be
expected that even on this issue further research will lead to a modification of
Krzyżanowski’s thesis, at least in relation to some areas (e.g. Protestant Masurians), as
has been indicated by the research conducted in the Olsztyn centre (Nowak 1986).
In the case of the culture of Orthodox regions, the research into these areas seems to
contradict Krzyżanowski’s suggestion, as can be testified to by various material
pertaining to the territory of Belarus (Federowski 1897-1903), Serbia (the opinion of P.
Vlahovic given during a conversation), Croatia (Bielaj), Bulgaria (Georgieva 1983).
Additionally, many of the Polish plots were labelled in such a way that their connections
to the Virgin Mary disappear, and – which is no small matter – the Marian threads in the
tales which Krzyżanowski takes into consideration do not exhaust all of the material in
existence in Poland, even if we were to limit ourselves only to the Catholic areas.
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The question arises as to whether the appropriate indexation of the plots in which the
Virgin Mary is present — for example, about the cancer deprived of its venom by the
Virgin Mary and then designated to become food for human beings, about the sentencing
of the reptile to crawl as punishment for frightening the Virgin Mary, about the spider,
about the greedy woman and diminished ears of wheat, about thistle leaves stained by
the milk of the Virgin Mary (Krzyżanowski 1963, II: 185, 189) and a number of others –
as well as placing them all within the same group would not help us to understand why
within folk tradition the name of the Virgin Mary is connected only with these specific
tales and not others. This issue seems all the more significant as the fact of the
interchangeability of the Virgin Mary in some of these plots with other characters (Jesus
Christ, Adam, etc.) and the fact that she is connected to certain animals, plants, people,
actions and not others may contribute to explaining the issue of the appearance of the
Virgin Mary in folk culture from as early as the 14th century and the gradual
displacement of other characters. The logic behind this process should be very
interesting for researchers. For this reason, I have devoted some critical commentary to J.
Krzyżanowski’s momentous work (1962, 1963) — I would like to present a slightly
different reading of this text, in order to find the answer to a question the author did not
pose himself.
The Marian cult in folk culture is primarily the cult of Mary as the Mother of God,
frequently treated as if this was the only fact that mattered; therefore her history, her
biography (even the apocryphal one, thus closely tied to folk cultures) remains in the
shadows. Paradoxically, it sometimes seems as if within folk culture she leads a life
independent even of her son, Jesus. It is thus no accident that in the above-mentioned
Srpski mitoloshki rechnik we can encounter the entry “Bogurodica” — and respectively
within the index to Moszyński’s text (1967): “Bogarodzica” — both included due to the
place occupied by the Virgin Mary in folk beliefs and culture. For this reason, we can
find beliefs which apply only to her and which indicate her presence since the beginnings
of the world (beliefs and legends connected to the origins of peas, the diminution of ears
of wheat, the stopping of the flood, etc.), information about yearly and family holidays
and rituals, folklore in the general sense (as knowledge and as an artistic form), as a
cultural fact.
It should be emphasized that in some of the general works, such as for example J.C.
Cooper’s An illustrated encyclopaedia of traditional symbols, information about Mary,
the Mother of Jesus, is included into the entry “Mother (Great)”. I would like to note the
important theoretical question of whether Mary is one of the Great Mothers of the great
religions of the world. A positive answer to this question would, however, be a
misunderstanding. On the basis of G. van der Leeuw’s Phenomenology of Religion, it is
possible to formulate significant differences between the Great Mothers of the old
religions and Mary. Can this point of view be upheld in light of the data from folk
culture, for example references to the presence of Mary during the Flood, at the very
beginnings of the world? It seems so, most certainly. The Marian cult in Polish folk
culture is primarily the cult of the Mother of God – it is this motherhood, and not her
proto-presence from the beginnings of the world, entitles her to this cult. It is not her who
was the source of everything that lives, it is not within her that everything is contained,
and it is not she who holds within her the possibility of rebirth. She was the Mother, but
not the Great Mother. It is with this hypothesis that I began my research, searching out
arguments for and against this thesis.
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It should however be emphasized that these two types of cults: of the Great Mothers
and the Marian cult, do not constitute disjoint sets. Both contain common elements,
common symbols, e.g. the symbol of the lily in the West and its equivalent in the East –
the lotus flower, to give just one example.
At this point, it seems appropriate to mention the great ethnologic work by W.
Schmidt, one of the writers of “Kreislehre”, devoted to the subject of matriarchy
(Schmidt 1955a). The author understands this concept broadly, not so much as a
historical epoch, but more as the laws of the mother. The author indicates the universal
nature of the laws of the mother and introduces the Marian cult into the frameworks of
this law, or rather places it within these frameworks. Therefore, he emphasises what is
common for these different cults (derivable from this law), putting aside anything that
would constitute a specific feature of the Marian cult. However, the search for
differences did not seem to have been the intention of the author – in all of his works he
searched for the roots of universal laws.
There are, however, few ethnographic studies devoted to the Virgin Mary and
practically all of them were taken into account or at least mentioned in “Polska Sztuka
Ludowa” (no. 3: 1984). A number of articles from this issue dealt with the topic of the
Virgin Mary as a result of a highly interesting exhibition organized in the autumn of
1982 by the Ethnographic Museum in Cracow, entitled “Matka Boska Częstochowska w
sztuce ludowej i popularnej”.
As a result of a chronicler’s sense of duty, the numerous non-ethnographic but
nonetheless valuable positions should be mentioned which have appeared in recent years
in church publications and magazines: in “Przegląd Powszechny”, “W drodze”, “Studia
Claramontana” — devoted completely to the Our Lady of Częstochowa, and finally the
collective works: Gratia plena (1965) and Religijność ludowa (1983), which contain a
rich bibliographical list. The state of research on the Marian cult up until 1980 was
described by K. Fiedeń, MSF (1982). A large amount of new information was introduced
by the papers presented at the 5th Mariological Congress in Lublin in 1986. Among these,
there were also ethnographic topics presented by Rev. Z. Kopiczko, A. KunczyńskąIracką, Z. Sokolewicz, H. M. Zowczak.
All of the authors drew attention to the necessity of researching sources, the
possibility of the creation of new sources (induced) and the extreme difficulties
connected to their critical analysis. H. M. Zowczak’s paper on the role of the Virgin
Mary in contemporary stories about heroes and her being attributed with the function of
mediator is a good example of the significance the sources being created now may have
for the formulation of new hypotheses or the confirmation of previous ones. All of these
listed works clearly show that despite the appearance of new issues and new facts about
the Marian cult, we are still at the beginning of our journey.
The unpublished Ph. D. thesis by J. Grąbczewski (only a small fragment has been
published; Grąbczewski 1984) should be added to this list. The author focuses his
attention on the relationship between beliefs and ceremonies and the Virgin Mary, as
expressed in dates, names, symbols, taboos, dictates or intentions. This material attempts
to introduce some order by making use of the concept of the topos and by reading into
any such information some form of personification of the Virgin Mary: as the helper, the
intercessor, of flora and of luna. The comparison of the results of this work with others,
including non-ethnographic ones, testifies to the fact that ethnographers are only at the
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beginning of their journey. Among the various domains of folk culture connected to the
Virgin Mary, thanks to the efforts of Anna Kunczyńska-Iracka and the organizers of the
afore-mentioned exhibition about Our Lady of Częstochowa, the relatively most
researched section would be the artistic aspect: the representations of the Virgin Mary in
art — painting, the graphic arts and sculpture (cf. also Dobrzeniecki 1965; Mroczko, Dąb
1966).
I.
AN ETHNOGRAPHIC ENQUIRY INTO THE AVAILABLE SOURCES
The search for sources about the Virgin Mary presents more difficulties in
comparison to such classical ethnographic subjects as yearly or family rituals, when it is
possible to focus on quite concise issues and to rely on quite vast source material. On the
other hand, the Virgin Mary is present within the whole cycle of yearly celebrations, in
all family ceremonies, in beliefs, legends, stories, tales, apocrypha, proverbs, requests,
objects connected to the decorations inside churches and homes, and also to
iconography. She is also present in the sphere of folk religiosity in a domain not included
in the above list, i.e. in material dealing with church holidays, big and small sacral
architecture, votive offerings, devotional articles, etc. As a consequence, this means that
there is a necessity to conduct research into practically the entire symbolic sphere of folk
culture.
Ethnographic sources about the Virgin Mary are numerous but very scattered.
Passages which mention her role in specific yearly ceremonies or family rituals are
usually short and poor in context; therefore, difficulties arise in attempts to read the
information in an unambiguous way. Such sources can seldom be used to establish the
history, structure and function of the Marian cult, while much more frequently giving
information about folk beliefs, the specific folk theology or even magical practices. They
are a reflection of the syncretism of folk beliefs. It is also often difficult to conclude on
their basis anything about the level of relations between the described cultural
behaviours and the figure of Mary or, more generally, Marian piety. In many similar
situations, Mary appears interchangeably with other figures: Jesus Christ, one’s own
mother, etc. The above-mentioned etiological tales may be seen as being an example of
this. Within them, we can find that peas were created from the tears of the Virgin Mary,
at other times – from Adam’s tears resulting from having lost paradise (Krzyżanowski
1963, II: 188). In songs, wedding and funeral orations and other cultural texts, we can
find many more examples of such interchangeability. This is undoubtedly important
information for those interested in the ways the Virgin Mary has been adapted by folk
culture. It is a fact all the more worth considering as we have made this observation in
reference to a field as homogeneous – according to Krzyżanowski – as etiological tales,
derived from medieval apocrypha (Krzyżanowski 1962, I: 14) and seems to be
consolidated by literary equivalents of apocrypha, which became a source of inspiration
for sermons and treatises, which most probably spoke to the masses.
Among the ethnographic sources, some can be indicated as presenting different
behaviours on specified calendar dates dedicated to Mary, but which contain little
information about the relationship between such a day and these behaviours. A fragment
of a description by W. Szuchiewicz of Huculszczyzna may serve as an example, giving
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the following data concerning the course of events during the 4th of December, thus the
day of the Blessed Virgin Mary’s Sacrifice:
“On the eve of the day, the Hutsuli sprinkle the cows with linseed and apply butter to
their udders, so that the cows would give a lot of milk. After midnight, naked women sit on
the threshold and spin self-sowing hemp, while during the day they begin various works, so
that they would be successful during ploughing [...] around noon, they burn incense around
the cows, made from cow dung and spruce branches and say «much as no-one can collect this
smoke in a sack, no-one will be able to take the manna from my cow»” (Szuchiewicz 1904).
I chose the above fragment to bring the reader to the realisation what a long journey
awaits a researcher who would want to justify the connection of this type of behaviour
with the day dedicated to the Blessed Virgin Mary. Most probably each of the signs
which appear here – spinning, burning incense, beginning work – is especially often
connected to the name of the Virgin Mary, while justification for the other symbols –
nudity, self-sowing hemp, linseed – can be found within mythology. However, the
establishment of why this specific day was chosen for this type of practices, as well as
the answer to this question can be found in the analysis of the correlation between the
lives of the Blessed Virgin Mary and Jesus Christ and the whole cycle of yearly
ceremonies and customs, the policies of the Church in these regards and people’s
reaction to it, their method of adapting everything that at a certain point in time entered
culture as something new. Fundamentally, a similar question should be asked when
analysing the less controversial texts dealing with, for example, behaviours during the
Day of the Assumption of Mary2. Most of them cannot be explained by referring to
Marian piety. Thus, the selection of sources from such a perspective constitutes a serious
problem for source criticism.
Many sources indicate the ties between certain behaviours and Mary in the references
to her or the prayers addressed to her or the fact that she was incorporated into a church
ceremony. An example of the first would be the sigh addressed by Mr Twardowski to the
Virgin Mary during the last hour of his life or her being summoned by other characters,
also in contemporary times (Zowczak 1986), towards whom the Blessed Virgin Mary
performs the role of advocate and ancillary. An example of the second type of
behaviours may be the burning of blessed wax candles on Candlemas Day3 or of herbs
during the Day of the Assumption of Mary.
Ethnographic sources from the 19th and 20th centuries are silent about the ways of
experiencing ceremonies by people from the countryside, generally they do not quote
their utterances verbatim, and often we have doubts if the information was not provoked
by a question from the ethnographer. We have these same doubts up until today when we
bring forth new sources. All this must influence the difficulties we encounter in
separating information about religiosity from information about parareligiosity, the proof
2
The most popular name in Poland of the Day of the Assumption of Mary is The Day of Our Lady of the
Herbs – editor’s note.
3
In Poland this holiday is called Święto Matki Boskiej Gromnicznej. The name refers to candles blessed on
this day. The so-called gromnica (thunder) was lit during the storms to protect the household – editor’s
note.
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of mythical thinking from conventional utterances, etc., which in research on the place
occupied by the Virgin Mary in folk culture is especially significant.
II. THE VIRGIN MARY IN CEREMONIES OF THE YEARLY CYCLE
The most important Marian holidays of a higher significance in folk culture include:
2 Feb. — the Purification of the Blessed Virgin Mary, or Our Lady of the “Blessed
Thunder Candle”;
25 Mar. — the Annunciation of the Blessed Virgin Mary or Our Lady of the Opening;
2 Jul. — the Visitation of the Blessed Virgin Mary or Our Lady of the Berries;
15 Aug. — the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin Mary or Our Lady of the Herbs;
8 Sept. — the Birth of the Blessed Virgin Mary or Our Lady of the Sowing.
From among the many other days in the liturgical calendar dedicated to Mary, we should
also mention the day of Our Lady of the Rosary on the first Sunday of October (also
called Our Lady of the Eel and especially celebrated in the Kaszuby region).
Christmas, the Epiphany and Easter should also be added to this group of holidays, as
even though they are not Marian holidays, the Virgin Mary plays an important role in
them. If we adopt the hypothesis of Ludwik Stomma that some yearly ceremonies have
the character of transition rites, and thus are extremely important in the yearly cycle due
to a person being able to participate in significant qualitative changes resulting from the
nature of the cosmos, and from having a derivative social character (Stomma 1973), then
we would discover that out of 17 yearly ceremonies which have such a character, 3 are
connected to the figure of the Virgin Mary and are somehow dedicated to her (Our Lady
of the “Blessed Thunder Candle”, Our Lady of the Opening, i.e. the Annunciation of the
Blessed Virgin Mary and Our Lady of the Herbs), and three others are connected to her
in significant ways (Christmas, the Epiphany and Easter).
The research currently being conducted by J. S. Wasilewski on taboo categories will
probably bring quite significant changes to the understanding of transition rites within
the yearly cycle (Wasilewski, 1987); however, I do not think that this could influence the
hypothesis that the ceremonies connected to the days of the Virgin Mary are closely
related to changes in state, the nature of time and space in the cosmic cycle.
The rhythm of farming, breeding, fishing, craft work and other such jobs are imposed
onto the rhythm of the transition rites. For the farming cycle, the day of Our Lady of the
“Blessed Thunder Candle” and then that of Our Lady of the Opening signify changes
which allow for vegetation. The holiday of Our Lady of the Berries carries the mark of
being the day of the purification of the fruits of the forest and their being offered in
sacrifice. This is expressed through the ban introduced on the consumption of such
undergrowth on this specific day. The content and the symbolism of this day can find an
extension in the day of Our Lady of the Herbs, which constitutes another step in
abolishing the bans placed on humans in their contacts with nature. Beginning from the
first moment the cattle are released onto the spring grass, through the permission given
to lie down on the ground, swim in rivers, eat the forest undergrowth, to the blessing of
the fields, fruits and the permission granted to eat them, a gradual expansion of the rights
of human beings ensues, allowing them to make use of the fruits of nature, to be able to
relatively safely partake in the natural environment. This happens until the day of Our
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Lady of the Sowing, when the seeds are placed into the earth and another series of bans
limiting human behaviours towards nature ensues.
Fishing rituals and customs are also written into this yearly cycle. Leaving aside other
professional groups for the moment, it should be remembered that the fishermen leaving
to make their first salmon catch of a given year place herbs blessed on the day of Our
Lady of the Herbs at the bottoms of their boats and burn incense over the nets, while
weather forecasts are connected with the day of Our Lady of the Berries, on the day of
Our Lady of the Herbs they bless flowers and fruits of the fields (similarly as in the case
of farmers) and finally they venerate Our Lady of the Eel (of the Rosary)
(Stelmachowska 1933: 99, 178, 183). Thus, the Virgin Mary is present in their lives
throughout the year, and thanks to her the first and last tasks (the first fishing excursion –
the blessing of nature’s produce) constitute a closed cycle.
The strong position of Marian holidays within folk culture can be additionally
attested to by the fact that next to the church-given names of these holidays, they are also
endowed with folk names: of the Blessed Thunder Candle, of the Opening, of the
Stream, of the Berries, of the Herbs, of the Sowing, of the Eel, etc. These names exist in
various forms, which testify to the naturalisation of the Virgin Mary within Polish folk
culture.
We should also add to the list of the above-mentioned Catholic holidays of the yearly
cycle, those which exist within the Orthodox church: the Day of Our Lady of Mercy
(Pokrovy) on 1 October (so-called Pokrovitse), Poias Boguroditsy (Serbia, Bulgaria)
which is celebrated on 31 August mainly by pregnant women, and also 4 December
(Blessed Virgin Mary’s Sacrifice), celebrated by Catholics on 21 November, already
mentioned during quoting the description of this holiday among the Greek Catholic
Hutsuli and their approach connected to the giving of milk by cows, magical behaviours
supposed to induce the fertility of the earth. These same elements are also present in the
two previously mentioned holidays, and the very name of the strips of the rainbow,
which tie the heavens and the earth and in this way ensure fertility, is very significant.
We can include among the various yearly ceremonies, those which have thus far been
omitted within these considerations and which are of a more playful nature, seeming to
be far removed from sacral behaviours: carol-singing, the performance of a play about
Herod4, dyngus5 and gaik6. They exist in very diverse forms and are in various ways
connected to the very closely linked Christmas or Easter holidays. They are of an interest
to us due to the songs sung within which the Virgin Mary is referred to. For example,
carol-singers, when wishing their hosts abundance and health, mention the Most Holy
Lady, who brought breakfast to the ploughman walking behind the golden plough and
was supposed to have drunk from a golden cup, dug out of the earth (Kolberg,
Krakowskie, vol. 5, pt. 1: 236). The Virgin Mary appears in this carol alongside the Lord
God and Jesus, as if in order to authenticate the offered wishes. The material collected in
the Lubelski area (Bartmiński 1986) is even more interesting, as it seems to show –
according to the supposition personally conveyed to me by the author – that during carolsinging addressed to girls, the Virgin Mary takes the place of the girl in the songs. A
4
A Christmas folk performance which presents the fight between good and evil and also the death of
Herod – editor’s note.
5
A Folk custom connected to Easter Monday – editor’s note.
6
A folk custom connected to ushering in spring – editor’s note.
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similar situation can be noted to occur in songs sung during gaik. If these suppositions
were to be confirmed by further analysis of the material concerning carol-singing and
gaik, then we would be dealing with the treatment of the Virgin Mary not only as the
Mother, but also as a girl, in actuality – the Most Holy of Ladies. It cannot be precluded
that these signs could lead us into the much more distant past and enable the
establishment of the being, whose place in Polish folk culture was replaced by the Virgin
Mary (Deva, Dzhiva). However, any further speculations must be preceded by a very
exact analysis of the above-mentioned ritual behaviours and might even bring into doubt
the proposals of Koleva (1973) that the Bulgarian Lazarki and corresponding ceremonies
among the Western and Eastern Slavic peoples be treated as girls’ initiation rites (or at
least this proposal would have to be strongly modified).
Dyngus also belongs among the group of ritual behaviours during which the songs
that are sung refer to Maryja, similarly as in the case of carol-singing and wedding
orations (which will be discussed below).
A significant, though thus far unconsidered issue, remains the relationship between
the cycle of holidays and rituals connected to the saints and the Virgin Mary. It seems
that especially in Orthodox culture St. George, St. John, St. Ilja (Elijah), St. Dimitri in
some situations play a more important role than does the Virgin Mary. An answer to this
question which would take into account material from the areas of the Southern and
Eastern Slavic peoples might add much to attempts to establish the place occupied by the
Virgin Mary in Polish folk culture.
III. THE VIRGIN MARY IN FAMILY CEREMONIES
In family ceremonies, the Virgin Mary is present primarily during births, weddings
and funerals, and in each of these in a very marked way. She first appears next to the
woman giving birth: she is the guardian of those giving birth. Moszyński discusses this
in the following way: “Among the West Finns, i.e. the Ests, either a mythical being
called róugutaja or else the Virgin Mary play the role of the guardian of the childbirth
and of the newborn baby” (1967: 693). Whereas “the babka midwife” from Bessarabia
addresses the Virgin Mary, burning incense over an oilcake covered with honey intended
for her, with a plea that she come to her aid when she is summoned: Svita Boguródica da
i na pomoč, dětu ja puvikam, da idi” (1967: 255). In other parts of Bulgaria, they prepare
special bread (unleavened) as thanks to the Virgin Mary for her help during childbirth.
They quickly share the bread and while they eat it, they state that she is already hurrying
off to another woman (Georgieva, 1983). Thus, women, who experienced the Virgin
Mary’s help during childbirth, reason that they will be similarly purified. From the
research conducted thus far, primarily on the basis of the collection of Kolberg’s
material, we can deduce that the Virgin Mary is especially interested in and influences
the destiny of the woman giving birth. If other research does not result in new
information, we can state that this is how she differs from various clan spirits, fairies,
etc., which appeared during childbirth and gave presents to the baby, determining its fate,
etc. (Moszyński 1967: 693).
In wedding rituals, the Virgin Mary appears in three situations: during the inviting of
guests by the bride (or by both the bride and the groom), during the matchmaker’s
oration when the couple leaves the house for the church and when the garland is taken off
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or during the move of the bride to the house of the groom. In the first case, the bride
sometimes recites a relatively long invitation, sometimes referring to the wedding in
Cana of Galilee, mentioning that “Jesus and Mary will be there, the entire company”
(Kolberg, Poznańskie, vol. 11, part 3: 67 ff.). Sometimes texts are recited, in which the
young couple, aside from mentioning Jesus and Mary also mention Adam and Eve. In the
second case, the matchmaker presents a usually longer and more sophisticated oration at
the moment when the bride bids farewell to her parents before leaving for the church.
Here we also encounter references to the wedding in Cana of Galilee, Mary and Jesus,
sometimes St. Joseph, and also from time to time – Adam and Eve. These references
clearly point to a symbolic return to the beginnings of the world in the moment of
creating a new relationship. The tendency to exchange Eve for the Virgin Mary is
significant. It can also be noted that a thread is woven in about a re-blooming branch.
Finally, the last time that the name of Maryja is summoned during the wedding rituals is
within the songs sung when the garland is being removed. For example, in the song
“Matuś moja, mąż mnie bije” (Mommy of mine, my husband beats me), Mother can be
exchanged for Mother of God (Kolberg, Kieleckie, pt. 1: 76) and the situation is similar
in many songs, while such conversions do not seem to change the meaning of the song.
During funeral ceremonies, the reference to the Virgin Mary usually occurs at the
moment when the conventional border of the village is crossed in the form of a crucifix
or figure found at the boundaries of the village. At that point, the gathered people sing
Salve Regina, so as to beg the Queen of Mercy for grace for the soul of the deceased so
that it may pass through the gates of heaven. Among this group of funeral songs, we may
also include songs about St. Peter – the keeper of the keys – and the Virgin Mary, who
intercedes with him on behalf of the lost soul (Kolberg, Kaliskie, vol. 23: 125).
The list of situations in which people appeal to the Virgin Mary is perhaps not very
long; however, we encounter them in numerous descriptions and collections. An
overview of such material raises the speculation that they are not situated randomly. As a
principle, they appear at the beginning of a ceremony and at its end. The Virgin Mary
appears at the birth of a child, next during the reasoning of the woman who has given
birth; when the guests are invited to the wedding and then when the bride bids farewell
to her parents; in connection with the garland and the moment of passing under the
authority of her husband. Finally, she appears when the deceased is being bid farewell,
after a “Thunder Candle” has been placed in his hand while still being at home and after
which the entire community places him into the care of the Virgin Mary during his
passage into eternal rest. An analysis of the consequences of events should convince us
that the presence of the Virgin Mary within the ceremony is in accordance with its
structure of significance, while the Virgin Mary appears at its beginning and at its end,
thus – significantly – not only at its end or only at its beginning.
IV. THE BEGINNING AND THE END
The Virgin Mary is present not only at the beginning and the end of the mentioned
ceremonies. In the available ethnographic material, a relatively large amount of space is
taken up by mentions of the choice of a lucky day for beginning various more important
forms of work, especially ploughing, sowing, harvesting, building a house, etc. The days
dedicated to the Virgin Mary are considered lucky for initiating all types of work, and
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sometimes even the eves of such days are perceived similarly. This is confirmed by the
above-quoted material about the Hutsuli, which contains data concerning the ritual
behaviours on the eve of 24 December. The beginning of the activity, in this case the
turning over of the first ridge (especially of new, uncultivated earth), the cutting of the
first ears of wheat, etc, should take place on a day devoted to the Virgin Mary. The same
is true of the cutting of the last ears and the placement of a wreath. A wreath is offered
up to the Virgin Mary (if this takes place in a church) or garlands are blessed for the
Virgin Mary, and not to or for God, Jesus or the saints.
V. AN ATTEMPT AT SOME CONCLUSIONS
S. Czarnowski describes the Virgin Mary as the most piously worshipped holy figure
in folk religions (Czarnowski 1956). This statement must be supplemented. It seems to
result from the initial overview of the types of available information about the presence
of the Virgin Mary in folk culture that she is an essential character. She is present in
transition rituals of a yearly type, ensuring as a result of her mediation its appropriate
execution, the same may be stated about the establishment and termination of ties and the
constitution of a new state (not only in the social sense) in the lives of human beings,
during weddings and funerals, during childbirth. Her holidays mark out the farming
calendar and people call on her mediation at the beginning and end of important tasks,
aimed at creating something new. In such situations, the Virgin Mary is frequently
present instead of the crucifix or the name of Jesus. In extreme situations, people turn to
her, supporting the words with some blessed herbs or a “Thunder Candle” (death, a fire).
We can find the Virgin Mary in various places within folk culture. The fact that she is
present interchangeably with the sign of the cross and the name of Jesus, Eve and one’s
own mother, the female family spirit is an extremely interesting issue for further
research. Thus, she appears interchangeably but these conversions are not random. I will
omit at this point any considerations about her presence in folkloristic threads and the
moments when she takes someone else’s place, as this would require the collection of a
much broader range of material.
Her presence adds power to certain action or objects (e.g. równianki7 on 15th August,
the end of harvest, the words of carols).
The Marian cult in Polish folk culture has a maternal character, and in a certain sense
– one of fertility. Fertility is not directly dependent on her, but she ensures the proper
course of the ceremonies which ensure fertility. The feature of her virginity very often
remains in the shadows. For this reason, very interesting results may be achieved from
research conducted in accordance with the approach indicated by J. Bartmiński (1986),
dealing with her connections with ceremonies or fragments of such rituals focused
around groups of girls.
Ethnographers, emphasizing that Mary is the queen of the heavens connected with the
moon and not the sun, observe this as being a lunar, chthonic element, and are prone to
7
A basket filled with ears of wheat, fruit and flowers, which during the Day of Our Lady of Herbs is
sprinkled with holy water to be blessed – editor’s note.
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perceive this as a sign of her connection with the Great Mothers (Bielaj: 8). I have
already expressed my opinion on this subject. It is not a fully answered question, as can
be seen to result from the available literature.
It is interesting to note the lack of information about the conducting of demonic
practices on Mary. It also does not seem as if she occurs within any plots or situations
interchangeably with the devil, even though one case has been noted of describing
something, which is customarily called little godly feet, as “little devil’s feet” (Podlasie,
inf. A. Kunczyńska-Iracka).
There can be no doubt that in order to find answers to the above-mentioned questions
(and in order to pose many other, perhaps even more significant ones), it is necessary to
conduct research within the entire field of folk culture, not only in Poland. It seems that
the Marian cult and Polish folk religiosity have many features in common with the folk
cultures of other Slavic peoples. It cannot, however, be stated with all certainty that the
Marian cult constitutes the specific feature of our religiosity. It is sure that it is
significant but what exactly is it like?
The answers to this question may be found in the words of Pope John Paul II: “The
Virgin Mary is always similar to the people from one’s own home. In Mexico, when I
was looking at Our Lady of Guadalupe, the Virgin Mary of the Indians, she reminded me
most of Our Lady of Ludźmierz, because she is a real highlander’s wife from Podhale”
(from the homily dated 8th June 1979 in Nowy Targ).
Translated by: LINGUA LAB, www.lingualab.pl, Miłosława Stępień
LITERATURE
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1986
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Zofia Sokolewicz
MADONNA IN POLISH FOLK CULTURE OF THE 19 AND 20 CENTURIES
SELECTED PROBLEMS OF SOURCES AND ARISING QUESTIONS
Summary
The person of God's Mother is present in many different domains of Polich folk culture
as well as in that of other Slavonic and generally European nations. She appears in the rites and
ceremonies of the annual cycle and in those of the life cycle, as well as in beliefs, legends, tales,
short stories, apocrypha, magical formulas, proverbs, in the objects belonging to the arrangement
and decoration of churches and houses and in the iconography associated with all those elements.
Madonna is always present in all Catholic ceremonies and church feasts, in the sacral architecture
of large and small scale, in the ex-vota and various devotional articles. That means that in our
studies we should embrace all the symbolic sphere of folk culture. According to Stefan
Czarnowski Madonna is the most worshipped holy person in the folk religious life. She appears
in the ceremonies of the annual cycle which are kind of transition rites (rites de passage)
securing, owing to Her mediatory function, their correct performance. The same concerns the
rites initiating anl dissolving social relations and constituting one's new status (not only in social
sense) at wedding ceremonies, funerals and rites of birth. The holy days dedicated to God's
Mother mark out the annual cycle in agricultural activities and people appeal to Her mediation
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beginning and completing the most important tasks. In the rites as well as in beliefs Madonna
appears interchangeably with the sign of the cross, the name Jesus, with Eve, human mother and
the female spirit of the clan. The study on this matter can throw some light on the process of
entering of the figure of God's Mother into folk culture and the ways of its adaptation.
Many ethnographers regard God's Mother not only as Mother but as a Great Mother. The
cult of St. Mary and of Great Mothers are not two separate systems. But the phenomenological
study of the subject allows us to ascertain that although the cult of Madonna in Polish folk culture
has a character of a maternal cult still God's Mother is by no means a foremother. She had not
been present since the creation of the Universe nor had She included all what was later called into
existence. However it is easier to find the common traits of the Madonna's cult in various cultures
than to define its Polish specific.
Abstract translated by Anna Kuczyńska-Skrzypek
This project is financed by the Polish Ministry of Science and Higher Education as part of the
National Program for Development of Humanities, 2012-2014.