Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej
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Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej
Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej Rok 10 (2012) Zeszyt 6 Yearbook of the Institute of East-Central Europe Volume 10 (2012) Issue 6 Rada Naukowa | Advisory Board „Rocznika Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej” Natalia Yakovenko, Adolf Juzwenko, Jūratė Kiaupienė, Andreas Lawaty, Alexei Miller, Antony Polonsky, Adam Daniel Rotfeld, Henryk Samsonowicz, Aleksander Smolar, Oleksiy Tolochko, Piotr S. Wandycz, Jerzy Wyrozumski Komitet Redakcyjny | Editorial Board „Rocznika Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej” Jerzy Kłoczowski | Przewodniczący | Editor-In-Chief, Mirosław Filipowicz | Zastępca | Vice-Editor, Anna Paprocka | Sekretarz | Editorial Assistant, Andrzej Gil, Hubert Łaszkiewicz, Tomasz Stępniewski Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej Rok 10 (2012) Zeszyt 6 Yearbook of the Institute of East-Central Europe Volume 10 (2012) Issue 6 European economic integration and convergence Edited by Bartosz Jóźwik & Tomasz Stępniewski Lublin 2012 The Yearbook of the Institute of East-Central Europe is a peer-reviewed journal Cover design Typesetting Language editors Cover photo Amadeusz Targoński www.targonski.pl AZKO Anna Kowalczyk The Authors and Dominika Kopaczek © Mopic | Fotolia.com This publication appears thanks to the support of the Konrad Adenauer Foundation © Instytut Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej, Lublin 2012 All rights reserved ISSN 1732-1395 Published by Printed by Instytut Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej (Institute of East-Central Europe) ul. Niecała 5, 20-080 Lublin tel. (48) 81 534 63 95 e-mail: [email protected] www.iesw.lublin.pl Perfekta info www.perfekta.info.pl Table of contents Bartosz Jóźwik, Tomasz Stępniewski Introduction 7 Papers Tomasz Grzegorz Grosse Debate on the cohesion policy during the Euro crisis 11 Józef Bogusław Osoba Theory of optimum currency areas and monetary integration in the European Union 27 Tomasz Stępniewski The European Union’s Eastern Partnership: between realism and disillusion 45 Paweł Pasierbiak Nominal Convergence Criteria. Their significance and fulfilment by the Central and Eastern European countries with a derogation 59 Bartosz Jóźwik Economic convergence in the regions of the European Union Member States of Central and Eastern Europe 79 Bożena Oleszko-Kurzyna Projected directions of the CAP Reform post 2013 and economic convergence in the European Union 99 Katarzyna Sołkowicz Cultural convergence as an element of Cohesion Policy 113 Monika Banaś Nordic Federation as a state – a challenge for European integration? 129 Aleksandra Dyba The knowledge-based economy in the Central and Eastern European countries in view of the World Bank ranking 145 Jesús Sánchez Cotobal Key factors in the Spanish economic crisis 161 Book Reviews Henryk Ponikowski Sławomir I. Bukowski (ed.), Polityka kohezji i konwergencja gospodarcza regionów Polski oraz krajów Unii Europejskiej. Wybrane zagadnienia [Cohesion Policy and Economic Convergence in the Regions of Poland and EU Member States. Selected Issues], Warszawa: Difin, 2011 179 Jarosław Kuśpit Igor Lyubashenko, Europejska polityka sąsiedztwa Unii Europejskiej wobec państw Europy Wschodniej [The European Neighbourhood Policy towards the East European States], Toruń: Dom Wydawniczy DUET, 2012 183 Bartosz Jóźwik Krzysztof Falkowski, Eufemia Teichmann (eds.), Państwa bałtyckie i Europy Wschodniej. Reakcja na światowy kryzys gospodarczy i regionalny kryzys gazowy [Baltic and East European States. Reaction to World Economic Crisis and Regional Gas Crisis], Warszawa: Oficyna Wydawnicza Szkoły Głównej Handlowej, 2010 187 Wojciech Misterek Bartosz Jóźwik, Mariusz Sagan (eds.), Rozwój Polski Wschodniej. Ograniczenia i wyzwania [Development in Eastern Poland. Limitations and Challenges], Warszawa: Difin, 2012 191 Information and Materials Bartosz Jóźwik IV Forum Regionalistyczne: Polityka spójności Unii Europejskiej. Doświadczenia, wnioski i rekomendacje na lata 2014-2020 4th Forum on Regionalism: European Union Cohesion Policy. Experience, conclusions, and recommendations for 2014-2020 197 Bartosz Jóźwik Konferencja: Europejska integracja gospodarcza i konwergencja Conference: European economic integration and convergence 201 About the Authors 205 Introduction The papers in Issue 6 of The Yearbook of the Institute of East-Central Europe entitled European economic integration and convergence focus on integration difficulties which mostly arose during the economic crisis. Examined in the paper by Tomasz Grzegorz Grosse, the role of cohesion policy has begun to be discussed again in the East-Central European countries which are EU Member States. Tomasz Grzegorz Grosse discusses the future issues of concern relating to this policy that have emerged in the debate on the economic crisis. The rich countries of the Eurozone and the United Kingdom seem to have shifted their emphasis to the problems of monetary integration in the debate on the European policy, which is examined by Józef Bogusław Osoba. He criticises the functioning of the Eurozone and attempts to answer the question of whether the today’s level of integration is sufficient to maintain the monetary union consistent and strong enough. Importantly, many of the problems of the Eurozone have begun to have a direct impact on the economic condition of the strongest EU economies such as Germany and France. Tomasz Stępniewski studies another essential issue of European integration, or the Eastern Partnership which as he emphasizes is becoming an increasingly recognisable sign of European Union’s activities in Eastern Europe. The present difficulties encountered by the European Union in East-Central Europe are largely in convergence that is supported by the cohesion policy. In the current financial perspective, this policy is to strengthen the European Union’s economic potential to achieve and maintain its high rate of growth, given any discrepancies since its enlargement in 2004 and 2007. As the effect of cohesion policy, convergence influences conditions for efficient and complete economic and monetary integration, which has become more difficult since the 20072008 economic crisis. This Yearbook includes several papers on the issues of convergence in the European Union. In the first two papers, Paweł Pasierbiak and Bartosz Jóźwik consider economic convergence as nominal convergence and real convergence, respectively. Even though it can be a tough task, Bożena Oleszko-Kurzyna attempts to evaluate the 8 Bartosz Jóźwik, Tomasz Stępniewski impact of trade and agricultural policy on economic convergence. She substantiates that agricultural policy is not insignificant for economic convergence although the way it was previously implemented seems to be in practice often detached from the problems defined in the convergence-oriented cohesion policy. One should also remember that convergence can refer not only to economy, which is stressed by Katarzyna Sołkowicz and Monika Banaś. Finally, the two papers by Aleksandra Dyba and Jesús Sánchez Cotobal describe the study cases of economic development in the selected countries of the European Union. Moreover, this issue of the Yearbook includes the reviews of monographs on the economic convergence of European cohesion policy, European Union’s neighborhood policy towards the states of Eastern Europe, economic crisis in the Baltic and East Europe states, and the development of the Polish Eastern regions in which the European and Polish institutions responsible for national convergence under the cohesion policy are showing a lively interest. The two conferences on European economic integration and convergence are reported in the final part of this Yearbook. This issue of the Yearbook is the result of the collaboration between the Institute of East-Central Europe and national and international research centers. We express our gratitude to the Konrad Adenauer Foundation for their support. Special thanks are due to the authors for their commitment to writing the papers and reviews. We hope that this Yearbook will be well received by readers and encourage specialists who study this issue in continuing their research. The Editors: Bartosz Jóźwik and Tomasz Stępniewski Lublin, December 2012 Papers Tomasz Grzegorz Grosse Debate on the cohesion policy during the Euro crisis Abstract: The Eurozone crisis has exposed the discrepancy between the political positions of central and peripheral states where the largest EU Member States are favoured. Reflected in reinforcing the role of the strongest EU Member States, this phenomenon gives rise to two- or multi-speed Europe. Another phenomenon rooted in the crisis of the single currency refers to the diversification of the status of the EU borderland. This is of particular importance to a relatively stronger position of less dynamically developing areas of the Eurozone as compared to the countries outside it. Such a tendency significantly impacts on the cohesion policy. It was detrimental to the power of the Central European states to negotiate the scope of this policy for the period after 2013. Keywords: cohesion policy, Euro crisis, central and peripheral EU Member States Introduction The trends in European integration processes reflect a waning spirit of solidarity between richer and poorer countries accompanied by growing national egoism. This results from the 2008-2012 economic crisis and the difficulties in managing the enlarged European Union (EU). However, the most important trait refers to the breakdown of the idea of forming a supranational political union with a strongly marked European identity of EU inhabitants, and a supreme role of the acquis communautaire and institutions of the European Community over national authorities. This sentimental approach came to the fore already during 12 Tomasz Grzegorz Grosse the debate on the changes to the EU Treaty in 2002-20071 and was more clearly voiced as a result of the crisis which hit the Eurozone. Instead, governments of individual countries increasingly tend to liaise with a view to making decisions in crucial matters, which significantly weakens the bodies of the European Union, including the European Commission. A parallel trend consists in introducing changes to the EU policies which reflect the interests of key Member States rather than the desire to increase the effectiveness or efficacy of specific segments of European policies. This clearly evidences rationality asymmetries between the rationality of action (interests) of the most influential EU Member States and the rationality of the system defined within the European Union. The way of handling the crisis in the Eurozone is a case in point2. Under such circumstances, less influential Member States are put at a disadvantage to the detriment of underdeveloped border areas. The Eurozone crisis has also exposed the discrepancy between the political positions of central and peripheral states where the largest EU Member States are favoured. This phenomenon is reflected in EU decision-making bodies, including those which decide economic matters. Consequently, the role of the strongest Member States is reinforced and two- or multi-speed Europe can emerge. From Poland’s perspective, a variable geometry Europe will gradually reduce Poland’s political importance across the EU. Another phenomenon rooted in the crisis of the single currency involves the diversification of the status of the EU borderland. This is of particular importance to a relatively stronger position of the less dynamically developing Eurozone areas as compared to the countries outside this area. For instance, in 2012 the European Council proposed3 an appointment of a special European budget (known as soli- 1 2 3 More information in: W. Wessels, The Constitutional Treaty – Three Readings from a Fusion Perspective, Journal of Common Market, 2005, Vol. 43, Annual Review, pp. 11-36; P. De Schoutheete, H. Wallace, The European Council, Research and European Issues, Notre Europe, 2002, No. 19, http://www.notre-europe.asso.fr; P. Ludlow, The European Council and IGC of December 2003. Why and How?, EuroComment Briefing Note, No. 2.8, Brussels 2004, pp. 329-339; T.G. Grosse, Hybrydowy ustrój Unii Europejskiej: dwie logiki zmian w projekcie traktatu konstytucyjnego [Hybrid System of the EU: Two Approaches to Changes to the Draft Constitution], Analizy natolińskie [Natolin Analyses], 2008, No. 3 (26) http://www.natolin.edu.pl/publikacje_analizy.html [2012-11-29]. T.G. Grosse, Systemowe uwarunkowania kryzysu strefy euro [System-related Conditions of the Crisis in the Eurozone], [in:] J. Kundera (ed.), Globalizacja, europejska integracja a kryzys gospodarczy [Globalisation and the European Integration versus the Economic Crisis], Institute of Economic Sciences at the University of Wrocław 2010, pp. 339-364. Conclusions, 13/14 December 2012, European Council, EUCO 205/12, Brussels 2012, p. 6. Debate on the cohesion policy during the Euro crisis darity mechanisms) which will be spent on structural policy in the least developing countries of the Eurozone. Such a tendency was detrimental to the power of Central European states to negotiate the scope of the cohesion policy for the period after 2013. 1. Consequences for the future Cohesion Policy Began in 2007, the crisis has brought to the surface two ways of thinking about the cohesion policy. During the initial period marked by the expansion of national fiscal programmes, the European Commission made it easier to take advantage of the European programmes and increased the scope of funding trans-European communication lines and some investments in the power industry4. The Commission also intended to combine short-term growth-stimulating undertakings with structural reforms understood primarily as strengthening effectiveness and innovation in business. During the second phase of the crisis, following an unprecedented rise in public debt, EU decision makers focused mainly on structural reforms to fiscal consolidation in the Member States and the stability of the single currency system. The EU institutions pointed out the future role of the cohesion policy as an instrument to strengthen the administrative potential and facilitate the implementation of fiscal reforms5. The issues relating to the improvement of economic structures capable of ensuring economic competitiveness in the countries and regions of a slower growth rate in particular were of lesser concern. As a result of the fiscal crisis in the Member States of the European Monetary Union (EMU), some net taxpayers who contribute to the EU budget demanded to reduce the funds earmarked for the cohesion policy. They wanted to reduce their EU membership contributions dur- 4 5 Communication from the Commission to the European Council: A European Economic Recovery Plan, Commission of the European Communities, COM (2008) 800, Brussels, November 26, 2008. More information in: T.G. Grosse, Władze publiczne wobec kryzysu gospodarczego: przykład działań antykryzysowych podejmowanych w latach 2008-2009 [Public Authorities and the Economic Crisis: An Example of Anti-Crisis Activities Undertaken in 2008-2009], Myśl Ekonomiczna i Prawna, 2009, No. 2 (25), pp. 57-107. The EC proposals to reinforce economic governance in Europe, European Commission, MEMO/10/204, Brussels, May 20, 2010, p. 3. 13 14 Tomasz Grzegorz Grosse ing the period of fiscal consolidation and to ensure that national governments would trim the fat. They also feared that established in spring 2010, the European Financial Stability Facility (later transformed into permanent European Stability Mechanism [ESM]) to counteract the crisis could prove insufficient to protect the other Eurozone countries against insolvency. The total budget of this facility is € 750 billion6. Originally, these funds were perceived as verbal guarantees to appease financial markets rather than genuine aid which could increase financial burdens on national budgets7. But with the deteriorated situation in the Eurozone, the risk of direct costs on the budgets of most of the Member States has increased. The budget for the cohesion policy, therefore, was reduced as a result of further emergency schemes in the Euro area. Some economists argue that such a scenario is likely to happen once more in the event of insolvency of EMU members or their banking sector8. The main proposals to decrease funds for the cohesion policy were actually the proposals to limit funds for the poorest EU areas or narrowly understood infrastructural activities. The suggestions to transfer the core of the cohesion policy, especially the regional policy to national governments have been put forward again. They went hand in hand with the idea to narrow down the scope of the cohesion policy to goals of significance for the whole Community, i.e. those that offer an added value on a European scale. Numerous examples of the ineffectiveness of the cohesion policy strongly supported this proposal. As suggested, the situation can possibly be remedied by strengthening the role of market mechanisms which could guarantee more effective utilisation of EU funds. Another measure to apply market principles and reduce the budget for the cohesion policy was to increase the role of loan facilities to replace the system of EU funded grants9. 6 7 8 9 Cf.: Press Release. Extraordinary Council Meeting Economic and Financial Affairs, 9596/10 (Presse 108), Brussels, May 9/10, 2010. Cf.: Statement of an anonymous officer of the European Commission on T. Bielecki, Zwiększyć euro fundusz ratunkowy czy nie? Niemcy mają dość [To Increase the Euro Solidarity Fund or Not? The Germans Have Had Enough of It], Gazeta Wyborcza, December 7, 2010. Ch. Wypłosz, Banking union as a crisis-management tool, [in:] T. Beck (ed.), Banking Union for Europe. Risk and Challenges, London: CEPR, 2012, pp. 17-23. J. Hahn, Simplification of Policy Delivery, D.G. Regio, European Commission, Zaragoza, February 19, 2010; Conclusions of the Fifth Report on Economic, Social and Territorial Cohesion: The Future of Cohesion Policy, Communication from the Commission to the European Parliament, the Council, the European Economic and Social Committee, the Committee of the Regions and the European Investment Bank, COM (2010) 642 final, Brussels, June 30, 2010, pp. 7-8. Debate on the cohesion policy during the Euro crisis The catalogue of sanctions for failing to meet fiscal criteria also included disbursements from EU funds. As specified in the Commission’s proposals10, this referred to the funds for the cohesion policy and common agricultural and fishing policies. If excessive deficits were reported, payments from these funds would be suspended, and a breach of the Council’s recommendations on relevant adjustments would result in cancelling the EU obligations in a given year. Simultaneously, the Commission emphasised that such a loss of funding by a Member State should not be affected to the detriment of the beneficiaries of EU subsidies. This means that the state budget would be obliged to make relevant disbursements. If adopted, such a solution would certainly make fiscal consolidation more difficult achieve. Moreover, contrary to the Commission’s intentions, this would seriously disrupt investment programmes carried out under the cohesion policy. Another proposal concerned the disbursement of the funds under the cohesion policy depending on the implementation of specific structural and institutional reforms. The Commission explained11 that the reforms in question refer the areas directly linked to the cohesion policy. Their implementation would be a prerequisite for the disbursement of the cohesion funds at the beginning of a given period or during a review by the Commission to assess how the reforms agreed proceed. The reform areas in question also cover those that directly involve the reduction of public spending by introducing the concept of flexicurity, i.e. a flexible labour market and social security model. Furthermore, the tasks to be performed would be listed in National Reform Programmes, a measure to bind the cohesion policy with reinforced mechanisms of economic governance across the EU and the convergence criteria behind the Stability and Growth Pact. In short, a number of specific proposals have been made since the crisis in the Eurozone began. Undoubtedly, they influence the future cohesion policy. Interestingly enough, these proposals refer not only to the EMU members but also to the remaining EU countries that are beneficiaries of the cohesion policy. Most of the proposals are sanctions designed to discipline fiscal policies of national governments. If these sanctions were imposed, the economic slowdown might turn into recession and national governments might face certain limitations in active supporting the competitiveness and growth in the weakest EU regions. 10 Conclusions of the Fifth Report..., pp. 11-12. 11 Cf.: Ibidem, p. 5. 15 16 Tomasz Grzegorz Grosse To accomplish fiscal goals may also cause some problems because the consolidation of public finance during an economic slump is extremely difficult to be accepted by the Community and certainly less effective as compared to a period of an economic boom. 2. Recent European Commission’s proposals In October 2011, the European Commission (EC) submitted a package of projects regulating the future EU cohesion policy. This was the way the Commission initiated the legislative procedure and the next stage of the European debate on the post-2013 cohesion policy. This debate is expected to finish in the late 2012 and early 2013 when the said regulations are accepted. This would be a decisive phase in the discussion about shaping the future management system and a definitive framework for financing the cohesion policy. The discussion is being held at the specific time of the serious Eurozone crisis, just when the pressure to limit EU expenses is growing. Given that there is no collapse of the Eurozone, any financial means allocated for this policy could probably dwindle a little in comparison with the existing ones. For 2014-2020, the Commission has proposed € 379 billion (€ 347.5 billion was allocated for the current perspective of 20072013)12. Most of the Member States have accepted it as a basis for further negotiations. Unfortunately, as a result of the pressure exerted by the net contributors to the EU budget in the autumn of 2012, the amount of the multiannual financial framework was significantly reduced13. Finally, in February 201314 the European Council adopted a reduced EU budget by more than € 73 billion (in relation to the initial Commission’s proposal). The cohesion policy budget was reduced by 14% during negotiations to € 325 billion. For example, the funds for the Common Agricultural 12 Amended proposal for a Council regulation laying down the multiannual Framework for the years 2014-2020, European Commission, COM (2012) 388 final, Brussels 6.7.2012; Polityka Spójności – Nowoczesna polityka inwestycyjna UE. Główne elementy pakietu 2014-2020 [Cohesion Policy – Modern EU’s Investment Policy. Major Elements of the 2014-2020 Package], Presentation by H. Jahns, European Commission, November 2011. 13 N. Watt, I. Traynor, EU summit breaks up without agreement over budget, The Guardian, Friday, November 23, 2012, http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2012/nov/23/eu-summit-breaksup-budget [2012-11-29]. 14 Conclusions, 7/8 February 2013, European Council, EUCO 37/13, Brussels 2013. Debate on the cohesion policy during the Euro crisis Policy were reduced by about 2%. At the same time, the budget for the innovation policy (known as framework programmes) were increased in the new financial perspective by almost 40% (in comparison to the 2007-2013 period). The recipients of these programmes are primarily the largest and better developed EU countries. Nevertheless, Poland remains the major financial beneficiary of the cohesion policy because, as specified in the EC documents, the less developed regions will continue to be the main recipients of the financial assistance, i.e. about 70% of the planned resources. The obligation to relate the new cohesion policy with the Europe 2020 Strategy15 may become an opportunity for Poland, which is manifested in eleven thematic aims that should be present in the current cohesion programmes. They specify the aims related to the development of entrepreneurship and innovation, competitive economy as well as the support for companies to join the low carbon economy. As it seems, Poland should concentrate on those specified priorities in the next UE budget period because the cohesion policy should promote a sustainable economic development and build a new model of Poland’s competitive economy. As compared to the current one, this new model should be based less on the prevalence of cheaper production costs. Beneficially, the Commission proposes a greater thematic focus on selected measures taking into account the objectives of the Europe 2020 Strategy on the one hand and national and regional needs on the other16. This creates a potential focus of the policy objectives discussed in Poland on the development of the innovative and low carbon economy. Therefore, it has turned out advantageous to cancel the previous goals of the 2007-2013 cohesion policy. They classified the EU regions as better developed because of developing innovation and economic competitiveness and as the least developed because of investing mainly in basic infrastructure. Now, the proposal for the main objective of the cohesion policy involves any investments to promote economic growth and employment to support all the regions. EC officials, however, still 15 See: Regulation of the European Parliament and of the Council laying down common provisions on the European Regional Development Fund, the European Social Fund, the Cohesion Fund, the European Agricultural Fund for Rural Development and the European Maritime and Fisheries Fund covered by the Common Strategic Framework and laying down general provisions on the European Regional Development Fund, the European Social Fund and the Cohesion Fund and repealing Regulation (EC) No 1083/2006, COM (2011) 615 final, Brussels, October 6, 2011, Article 9. 16 Ibidem, Article 16. 17 18 Tomasz Grzegorz Grosse follow the previous trend to classify regions, which is evidenced by the proposed allocation of resources for various groups of regions under the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF) for the innovative economy. More developed regions and the ones known as transitional (because of its location between the most and least developed ones) are to receive 80% of the funds for investment in energy efficiency, renewable energy resources, R&D, innovation and competitiveness of small and medium-sized enterprises. Whereas less developed regions are to receive about 50% of the funds for the same objectives. Poland should seek as much financial means for innovative economy as possible regardless of the fact that most projects for this aim are difficult in implementation. Our country should also strive to ensure that not only small and medium-sized enterprises but also larger ones could receive funds for these objectives. The proposal might be, for example, that large companies could become beneficiaries of these funds except for those reallocating their economic activity from Western Europe. As mentioned, the discussion on the 2014-2020 multiannual Community budget shows a strong trend of the net payers to the EU budget to reduce the EU financing, including the cohesion policy. This tendency is bothering as it may result in creating under the new cohesion policy such regulations which will effectively limit the absorption of funds from the EU budget. In principle, any unused funds could be allocated to finance any other European objectives, especially in the Eurozone Member States or be returned to national budgets of particular countries. The introduced more rigorous capping to lower the level of accessible funds from the current 4 to 2.5%17 of GDP of a given member country can be one of numerous examples. It is worth recalling that the allocation for Poland is more than 3% of GDP in the current EU budgetary period (2007-2013). This is a dangerous proposal, regarding the possibility of slower economic growth in Europe. The concept of more rigorous conditionality to regulate the use of funds is another example. The literature18 indicates that the trend noticed in the cohesion policy to successively introduce provisions to improve the quality of spending does not contribute to achieving that purpose. Bureaucratic difficulties are multiplying and the absorption 17 Ibidem, p. 12. 18 See: J. Bachtler, Administrative Reform and unintended consequences: an assessment of the EU Cohesion policy audit explosion, Journal of European Public Policy, Vol. 18, 2011, No. 5, pp. 746-765. Debate on the cohesion policy during the Euro crisis of financial resources is being impeded. The latest EC’s regulatory proposals imply much more extensive supervisory procedures, including reporting. Although substantially justified, the idea of conditionality allows for the suspension of further payment of European funds if no progress in achieving project objectives and indicators is made. Undoubtedly, the absorption of EU funds will be hindered under such circumstances. Macroeconomic conditionality may be another manifestation of the potential limitation to the absorption of funds19. This solution enables suspending, wholly or partly, any payments for the sake of the cohesion policy if a Member State fails to meet the fiscal criteria regulations, e.g. procedure of the extensive deficit proceeds ineffectively or no compensatory actions are taken to reform public finances. It should be emphasised that the sanctions concerning fiscal criteria should not condition receiving any assistance under the cohesion policy. The said policy is potentially the only EU’s supportive instrument to improve economic competitiveness and growth in the less developed Member States and regions. Any effective reforms in the public finances sector are possible only after the economic structure is substantially improved and GDP grows. Any actions for fiscal consolidation restrict the growth rate and may cause difficulties in finding public funds necessary for co-financing any investments under the cohesion policy. Actually, any large investment projects under this policy are more difficult to be managed in Poland due to the risk of surpassing the level of 55% of the public debt in relation to GDP20. In addition, the Polish Minister for Finance has imposed on local authorities some restrictions in the case of a deficit, which hampers any cohesion investments21. All these considerations and the fact that Poland faces some difficulties in meeting the requirement to reduce the budget deficit in the last period, macroeconomic conditionality pose a serious risk to the absorption of funds under the cohesion policy. 19 Regulation of the European Parliament and of the Council laying down common provisions on..., Article 21. 20 The delay in building the A1 motorway is a good example because the costs could increase the public debt, see: A. Stefańska, Problemy z prywatnymi drogami [Problems with Private Roads], Rzeczpospolita, December 10-11, 2011, p. B2. 21 Insofar a deficit targeted at PLN 8 billion per year as for the reduction of the industry sector. P. Skwirowski, Rostowski znów dokręca śrubę samorządom [Rostowski Puts the Screws on the Local Government Again], Gazeta Wyborcza, December 9, 2011. 19 20 Tomasz Grzegorz Grosse While macroeconomic conditionality should be assessed critically, introducing a solution that can help any Member States with budgetary difficulties co-finance investment projects is a good idea22. Such assistance reduces co-financing by 10% below the required level. This applies in particular to the countries that receive financial support from the European Stability Mechanism, intended only for the Eurozone members. This may facilitate the implementation of the cohesion policy during a crisis in public finances. This case also illustrates the conflict between the EC’s proposals. Although some financial facilities are being implemented, the threats of the totally suspended cohesion policy can be sensed. Consequently, any criteria for macroeconomic assessment should not be a condition for receiving any funds from the cohesion policy. Another way to limit the amount of funds for less developed regions, including Poland is the proposal to increase credit instruments under the cohesion policy23. It may lead to an actual reduction of funds. This is related to the fact that credit procedures are often more complex and demanding than grants because they are controlled by officials and verified by banks or other institutions. The formula for the application of financial instruments will be primarily regarding all the projects offered to enterprises or those which may bring financial advantages24. This means hampering the absorption of funds, particularly for entrepreneurship support which is essential for Poland’s development and stimulation of economic growth. In addition, certain beneficiaries might be deterred from participating in such projects, especially if there are simultaneously announced competitions for non-returnable grants. It should be also remembered that relatively few small and mediumsized enterprises in Poland invest using bank credits. Most frequently, they use their own resources or non-refundable grants. The Commission announces25 that the idea of innovative financial instruments will be applied on a wider scale to all types of investments and by all types of beneficiaries. Such an extension of the instruments could probably further limit the possibility of using of EU funds. For exam- 22 Regulation of the European Parliament and of the Council laying down common provisions on..., Article 22. 23 Ibidem, p. 12; Q & A on the legislative package of EU regional, employment and social policy for 2014-2020, MEMO/11/663, Brussels, November 6, 2011. 24 Regulation of the European Parliament and of the Council laying down common provisions on..., p. 10. 25 Ibidem. Debate on the cohesion policy during the Euro crisis ple, rather than finding the required co-financing only, public entities will have to put all their funds for projects although instalments for the repayment will spread out over a longer period of time. Such a limitation will be severe, especially in the case of fiscal consolidation, which reduces the amount of investment resources available from the public authorities’ budgets. What should also be highlighted is the risky, from the Polish perspective, proposal of introducing competition mechanisms into the trans-European transportation instrument, known as the Connecting Europe Facility. A part of the allocations from the Cohesion Fund, i.e. € 10 billion will be earmarked to finance transportation, energy, broadband and digital service projects under this instrument. It constitutes 20% of the total value of the Cohesion Fund. The resources from the Cohesion Fund will also be subject to the competition procedures although only authorised countries will be probably regarded. Some experts26 claim that Polish entities may encounter serious difficulties in winning these competitions, given the problems in preparing transportation projects in our country. A similar experience is noticed for other types of competition procedures in the UE. For example, Polish participants received only € 200 million out of € 53.2 billion offered by Brussels in 2007-2013 under the 7th Framework Programme27. Nonetheless, in this way the European Commission could gradually move away from national envelopes to competitions under the cohesion policy. Similarly, the Commission moves away from grants to instruments which credit investments only. Both of the cases are detrimental to poorer regions which are less competitive and have minor investment capacities. Under the new cohesion policy, the Commission aims at more integrated developmental actions. This idea is valuable as it enables more efficient using of funds to develop a given area. It is also in line with many experts’ postulates28. The Commission introduces three new initiatives to integrate management. The first one called local action groups was 26 See: A. Furgalski, Kosztowne pomysły Brukseli na transport w Unii [Brussels’ Expensive Solutions to the EU Transportation], Rzeczpospolita, November 16, 2011; A. Stefańska (2011), Gorzkie zwycięstwo w sprawie unijnego budżetu [Bitter Victory on the EU Budget], Rzeczpospolita, October 20, 2011. 27 A. Osiecki, Nie sięgamy po dotacje wprost z Brukseli [We do not Apply for Direct Grants from Brussels], Rzeczpospolita, October 11, 2011. 28 See: T.G. Grosse, Ł. Hardt, Sektorowa czy zintegrowana, czyli o optymalnej strategii rozwoju polskiej wsi [Sectoral or Integrated Optimal Strategy for the Development of the Polish Rural Areas], Fundacja Ewaluacji i Badań Ekonomicznych Pro Oeconomia, Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Key Text, 2010. 21 22 Tomasz Grzegorz Grosse introduced into the cohesion policy on the basis of good experiences stemming from the LEADER programme for the development of rural areas. They are to operate employing local development strategies and concentrate on a designated subregional territory. They will be probably used to support rural areas. Importantly, projects under this initiative may be financed from many EU funds within various operational programme priorities. The second tool known as integrated territorial investments is to manage any actions within different priorities or operational programmes in a given area in accordance with urban development strategies or other strategies and territorial pacts. The Commission postulates at least 5% of the ERDF resources to be addressed to urban development under integrated territorial investments29. In addition, these actions can also be financed by the European Social Fund (ESF). Given the role of urban areas in the regional development, especially in the weakest regions, the Commission’s proposals should be recognized as valuable and correct. However, in Poland, any resources for this initiative should be organised under regional programmes rather than, for example, a separate urban programme. It is all about the integration of actions to support cities with the regional development. The Joint Action Plan is the third integrated measure proposed by the Commission30. It is intended to facilitate the spending of resources under the cohesion policy, especially for any actions financed from the ESF. However, certain management problems may be expected. Centralised management is expected regardless of the fact that any further allocation of funds in this procedure depends on achieving tangible results. The proposal under this procedure shall be raised by the Member States and the EC shall decide on it. Consequently, decision-making processes will be longer, i.e. up to 6 months and thus any current implementation of operational programmes will be hindered. Moreover, Poland has got actually no specialised institutions to coordinate such a new and additional procedure. Therefore, besides the existing novel documents, some operational activities and new officials will be required. The Com- 29 See: Proposal for a Regulation of the European Parliament and of the Council on specific provisions concerning the European Regional Development Fund and the Investment for growth and jobs goal and repealing Regulation (EC) No 1080/2006, COM (2012) 614 final, Brussels, October 6, 2011, Article 7. 30 See: Regulation of the European Parliament and of the Council laying down common provisions on..., Articles 96-98. Debate on the cohesion policy during the Euro crisis mission’s proposal envisages also the appointment of a steering committee for each of the Joint Action Plans. Summary and recommendations The European Commission’s legislative proposals31 have initiated a period of discussions and inventing new solutions to the new EU cohesion policy. It seems that Poland should attempt to combine this policy with all of the objectives of the Europe 2020 Strategy although priority should be especially given to the development of innovation, research and economic competitiveness, and the financing of costs related to adjusting to the conditions of the EU climate and energy package. The Commission’s initial proposal sets a minimum level of 50% of the ERDF for this kind of investments. This seems consistent with the Polish longterm developmental interest. Entrepreneurship support should be addressed mainly to small and medium-sized enterprises and still available to larger ones excluding those that relocate their production from other Member States. Any unnecessary bureaucratic barriers need to be removed and management be facilitated. However, many of the Commission’s proposals actually increase clerical difficulties, including stronger conditionality and surveillance activities. The Joint Action Plan may proceed in a similar way. Although the Commission’s ideas basically intend to improve the cohesion policy, they may paradoxically contribute to a reverse effect that can substantially hinder the absorption of supporting funds. As a result, this would be beneficial for net contributors to the EU budget. In June 2012, the European leaders made the commitment to take action to stimulate economic growth. Although the formally proposed instruments are to cover the whole EU, they will be probably limited to the Eurozone. These include the loans granted by the European Investment Bank, the release of investment grade corporate bonds known as project bonds to finance any infrastructural projects, and the reallocation of any unused funds from the EU cohesion policy. Referring to the last case, the tightened eligibility rules for implementing this policy, e.g. in Poland can be expected to increase the pool of funds directed to the 31 The initial proposal adopted on October 6, 2011 was changed by the Commission on March 14, 2012. 23 24 Tomasz Grzegorz Grosse weakest Eurozone countries. This solution is not favourable enough for Central Europe and other countries outside the Eurozone. Additionally to creating a separate redistributive measure for the weakest countries of the Monetary Union (solidarity mechanisms), European policymakers intend to use the money already available in the EU budget also for development of the Eurozone. Moreover, the projected financial resources (declared an overstatement of € 120-130 billion) may not be sufficient, given the scale of collapse in southern Europe. It is difficult to openly acknowledge that the politicians effectively dealt with the excessive structural differences in the Euro area. In the near future, this will be a basic problem that could influence the cohesion policy implemented in Central and Eastern European regions. In this context the idea of macroeconomic conditionality introduced to the cohesion policy should be assessed critically. It is contrary to the basic objectives of solidarity within this policy. Gradual transferring from non-refundable grants to financial instruments under the cohesion policy as well as the distribution of certain funds by Europe-wide competitions should be assessed similarly. The cohesion policy should aim at supporting economic development and market competitiveness, especially in more vulnerable countries and regions. Smaller entrepreneurs from Central and Eastern Europe have limited capabilities to compete with the best ones and cannot fully take advantage of repayable credit instruments. All of the previous examples prove that Polish diplomacy as well as diplomacy from the other Central and Eastern European countries should influence the debated regulations so that they could not restrict the absorption capacity for their beneficiaries. Winter 2012/2013 Bibliography Amended proposal for a Council regulation laying down the multiannual Framework for the years 2014-2020, European Commission, COM (2012) 388 final, Brussels 6.7.2012. Bachtler J., Administrative Reform and unintended consequences: An assessment of the EU Cohesion policy ‘audit explosion’, Journal of European Public Policy, Vol. 18, 2011, No. 5. Communication from the Commission to the European Council: A European Economic Recovery Plan, Commission of the European Communities, COM (2008) 800, Brussels, November 26, 2008. 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Grosse T.G., An Evaluation of the Regional Policy System in Poland: Challenges and Threats Emerging from Participation in the EU’s Cohesion Policy, European Urban and Regional Studies, Vol. 13, April 2006, No. 2, pp. 151-165. Grosse T.G., EU Cohesion Policy and the peripheries of the New Member States, [in:] G. Gorzelak, J. Bachtler, M. Smętkowski (eds.), Regional Development in Central and Eastern Europe, London–New York: Routledge, 2010, pp. 313-328. Grosse T.G., Hybrydowy ustrój Unii Europejskiej: dwie logiki zmian w projekcie traktatu konstytucyjnego [Hybrid System of the EU: Two Approaches to Changes to the Draft Constitution], Analizy natolińskie [Natolin Analyses], 2008, No. 3 (26). Grosse T.G., Systemowe uwarunkowania kryzysu strefy euro [Systemrelated Conditions of the Crisis in the Eurozone], [in:] J. Kundera (ed.), Globalizacja, europejska integracja a kryzys gospodarczy [Globalisation and the European Integration versus the Economic Crisis], Institute of Economic Sciences at the University of Wrocław 2010, pp. 339-364. Grosse T.G., Władze publiczne wobec kryzysu gospodarczego: przykład działań antykryzysowych podejmowanych w latach 2008-2009 [Public Authorities and the Economic Crisis: An Example of Anti-Crisis Activities Undertaken in the Years 2008-2009], Myśl Ekonomiczna i Prawna, 2009, No. 2 (25), pp. 57-107. Grosse T.G., Hardt Ł., Sektorowa czy zintegrowana, czyli o optymalnej strategii rozwoju polskiej wsi [Sectoral or Integrated Optimal Strategy for the Development of the Polish Rural Areas], Fundacja Ewaluacji i Badań Ekonomicznych Pro Oeconomia, Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Key Text, 2010. Hahn J., Simplification of Policy Delivery, D.G. Regio, European Commission, Zaragoza, February 19, 2010. Ludlow P., The European Council and IGC of December 2003. Why and How?, EuroComment Briefing Note, No. 2.8, Brussels 2004. 25 26 Tomasz Grzegorz Grosse Osiecki A., Nie sięgamy po dotacje wprost z Brukseli [We do not Apply for Direct Grants from Brussels], Rzeczpospolita, October 11, 2011. Polityka Spójności – Nowoczesna polityka inwestycyjna UE. Główne elementy pakietu 2014-2020 [Cohesion Policy – Modern EU’s Investment Policy. Major Elements of the 2014-2020 Package], Presentation by H. Jahns, European Commission, November 2011. Press Release. Extraordinary Council Meeting Economic and Financial Affairs, 9596/10 (Presse 108), Brussels, May 9/10, 2010. Proposal for a Regulation of the European Parliament and of the Council on specific provisions concerning the European Regional Development Fund and the Investment for growth and jobs goal and repealing Regulation (EC) No 1080/2006, COM (2012) 614 final, Brussels, October 6, 2011. Q & A on the legislative package of EU regional, employment and social policy for 2014-2020, MEMO/11/663, Brussels, November 6, 2011. Regulation of the European Parliament and of the Council laying down common provisions on the European Regional Development Fund, the European Social Fund, the Cohesion Fund, the European Agricultural Fund for Rural Development and the European Maritime and Fisheries Fund covered by the Common Strategic Framework and laying down general provisions on the European Regional Development Fund, the European Social Fund and the Cohesion Fund and repealing Regulation (EC) No 1083/2006, COM (2011) 615 final, Brussels, October 6, 2011. Skwirowski P., Rostowski znów dokręca śrubę samorządom [Rostowski Puts the Screws on the Local Government Again], Gazeta Wyborcza, December 9, 2011. Statement of an anonymous officer of the European Commission on T. Bielecki, Zwiększyć euro fundusz ratunkowy czy nie? Niemcy mają dość [To Increase the Euro Solidarity Fund or Not? The Germans Have Had Enough of It], Gazeta Wyborcza, December 7, 2010. Stefańska A., Gorzkie zwycięstwo w sprawie unijnego budżetu [Bitter Victory on the EU Budget], Rzeczpospolita, October 20, 2011. Stefańska A., Problemy z prywatnymi drogami [Problems with Private Roads], Rzeczpospolita, December 10-11, 2011, p. B2. The EC proposals to reinforce economic governance in Europe, European Commission, MEMO/10/204, Brussels, May 20, 2010. Watt N., Traynor I., EU summit breaks up without agreement over budget, The Guardian, Friday, November 23, 2012, http://www.guardian. co.uk/world/2012/nov/23/eu-summit-breaks-up-budget [2012-11-29]. Wessels W., The Constitutional Treaty – Three Readings from a Fusion Perspective, Journal of Common Market, 2005, Vol. 43, Annual Review. Wypłosz Ch., Banking union as a crisis-management tool, [in:] T. Beck (ed.), Banking Union for Europe. Risk and Challenges, London: CEPR, 2012. Józef Bogusław Osoba Theory of optimum currency areas and monetary integration in the European Union Abstract: Establishing the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) with a common currency, i.e. the Euro means the consolidation of all integration processes within the European Union. The currency integration was accompanied by the process of financial and economic integration to make the entire zone more coherent economically and organisationally. However, the current financial crisis has demonstrated a number of disadvantages and imperfections of the Eurozone and the whole EMU in terms of economic integration and convergence. This phenomenon has been triggered by moving away from the initial assumptions behind creating the EMU known as an optimum currency area (OCA). Thus, the previous actions taken by the EMU countries to save the integration of the Eurozone seem to be very difficult and now the EMU states and the entire EU should take comprehensive and daring actions in line with the convergence and OCA rules. Keywords: Economic and Monetary Union, optimum currency area, integration, economic crisis Introduction The European Union is a common economic zone based on integrated commodity markets, services and production factors as well as the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) when a common currency was introduced. Usually, currency integration in a given area is accompanied by financial integration which means the liberalization of capital flows, harmonization of tax and budget systems, unification of banks and financial institutions, and the integration of capital markets. These phe- 28 Józef Bogusław Osoba nomena are beneficial to the economic and organizational cohesion of the whole zone. However, the current financial crisis has demonstrated a range of shortcomings and imperfections both in the Eurozone and the European Union. Firstly, this paper attempts to answer the question what has caused the imperfections of the Eurozone and whether the present degree of integration within the Eurozone is sufficient to maintain the cohesion and strength of the EMU as a uniform economic and monetary area in the face of any socio-economic challenges of the contemporary world. The author argues here that the root causes of the economic crisis of the Eurozone involve departing from the rules of currency integration defined in the theory of an optimum currency area (OCA) and the primary rules of convergence. Secondly, he points out that such an area can be no longer coherent, which shows the current crisis in the Eurozone if the rules of currency integration while forming an OCA and the convergence rules are violated. The research methods adopted here involve generally observation of macroeconomic phenomena, implementation of all features of the crisis in the EMU and check of the conclusions received so against macroeconomic data. The paper is composed of three subsections. The first subsection briefly outlines the background of the OCA theory; the second one discusses the EMU integration process in terms of the debt crisis of its members and the actions taken to counteract its consequences. The paper ends with several conclusions on the considerations covered. 1. Theoretical grounds of the economic integration of the European Economic and Monetary Union countries The integration of the countries that are members of the European Economic and Monetary Union recognised as a currency area with the highest degree of economic integration should be associated with an optimum currency area which is a well-known concept in the theory of international economics. Professor Robert Mundell1, a Nobel Prize winner in economics, is regarded as its founder. He formulated the op- 1 Professor Robert Mundell won a Nobel Prize in 1999 for his work on the theory of optimum currency areas which laid a foundation for the common Eurozone – see: R. Mundell, A The- Theory of optimum currency areas and monetary integration in the European Union timum currency area (OCA) theory2 which deals with a cost-benefit analysis of establishing a currency union. The founders of this theory attempted to answer why floating exchange rates can prove more useful in some circumstances, whereas fixed exchange rates can do so in others. They speculated on the necessary features of an economy of a state (or group of states) so that the benefits from introducing a fixed exchange rate or a common currency could outstrip the costs of such a decision. The benefits include the intensification of international trade, reduction of inflation, and the growth of economic policy credibility; whereas the costs include resignation from an autonomous monetary policy and any resultant consequences, i.e. no influence on the competitiveness of their own export. This theory holds that the cost of resigning from its own exchange rate and monetary policies and then joining an OCA is lower for a given country if an OCA economy is hardly vulnerable to financial and economic shocks, or is symmetric3. Symmetry appears only if the following phenomena are noticed: • correlation of business cycles. The more convergent cycles between OCA countries are, the more useful a common monetary policy created to the benefit of the whole currency union can be. Also, asymmetric shocks are less possible then. Actually, this means that a countercyclical policy needs coordination at the level of an entire OCA; • similarity of inflation rates. Any differences in a price increase rate between countries may result in a loss of competitiveness in countries which allow the excessive growth of inflation; • production diversification. Countries of a diverse export structure are less exposed to a sudden collapse of external demand which may influence the employment in a member state of an OCA. The risk of a sudden demand decrease in several or 2 3 ory of Optimum Currency Areas, American Economic Review, November, 4, 1961. Its continuators also include R.J. McKinnon and P.B. Kennen and others. A definition of an OCA as an area having these features was also introduced. The founders of this theory claimed that an area of a state or a group of states can be called an OCA if using a common currency there does not decrease its welfare. Fixed exchange rates are desirable within this area, whereas floating exchange rates in relation to other zones as in: J. Borowiec, Unia ekonomiczna i monetarna [Economic and Monetary Union], Wrocław: Wydawnictwo Akademii Ekonomicznej, 2001, p. 32. Symmetry was discussed by, e.g. M. Frenkel, C. Nickel, [in:] How Symmetric are the Shocks Adjustment Dynamics between the Euro Area and Central and Eastern European Countries?, IMF Working Paper 02/222, 2002, pp. 6-21. 29 30 Józef Bogusław Osoba all export sectors is thus lower. In practice, this means that any country which belongs to an OCA should have a similar though diverse structure of its economic system. Moreover, an economy of an entire OCA (and countries which belong to it) should be capable of absorbing financial and economic shocks, or be flexible. This can be proved by: • wage-price flexibility, i.e. employees of a sector affected by the shock of lower demand for their products in a given country should reduce their remuneration expectations. This should result in reduced prices and remuneration as well as an improved competitive position of this sector; • mobility of productive factors, i.e. effects of an asymmetric shock should be less if employees of a shock-affected sector are able to retrain themselves quickly (intersectional/functional mobility) or find a job in another place (geographical mobility); • financial markets integration, i.e. diversification of investments and capital investment in a whole currency union are conducive to the stability of income that can be a kind of a buffer against any negative effects of asymmetric shocks; • fiscal integration perceived as a common budget should be conducive to income transfer to countries affected by an asymmetric shock. This rule seems to have been misunderstood by some countries of the Eurozone. In fact, these countries felt a sense of security for their membership in the Eurozone and the guarantees offered by the stability of a common currency and accompanied by the possibility of transferring financial means from a common budget even if their public finances showed an excessive deficit and they were running into debts. This was often reinforced by falsifying statistics prior to joining the Eurozone and during its functioning as it has happened in Greece. The principal aim of the OCA theory was to elaborate criteria for a successful currency integration process. H. Visser claims that the research output on optimum currency areas refers to two basic issues, i.e. sustaining both an internal balance, or full employment and an external Theory of optimum currency areas and monetary integration in the European Union balance of the balance of payments after an asymmetric shock4. Briefly, it is about keeping economic cohesion in such an area. As a result, the development of the theory of optimum currency areas was accompanied by a varied pressure on different, necessary to satisfy conditions of integration within this area. Consequently, a new OCA theory was formulated. The new theory focused on calculating the benefits from joining a currency union at assumed costs and evaluation of country’s capability for this. The symmetry of macroeconomic shocks was assumed to be a basic criterion of establishing a currency union. In the beginning, the first authors focused on a real economic sphere and argued that this should provide a basis to evaluate the optimality of a currency area. Initiating a discussion about an OCA, R. Mundell focused on some recommendations which were to help avoid asymmetric demand shocks and thus recognised an internal mobility of production factors as a critical factor behind a currency area. Under the new OCA theory, R. McKinnon broadened the concept of optimality by his considerations about the influence of economic openness in a given currency area5. He argued that making exchange rates fixed is more profitable for open economies. He claimed that a separate currency area is beneficial for full employment and sustaining an external balance if large currency areas are established. Moreover, McKinnon made the OCA theory real because he employed a concept of countries but not economic regions as Mundell did and claimed that any optimum currency area should be established as a result of alliance of countries. The optimality of a currency area in terms of economic openness was also studied by H. Heller. He considered the role of marginal costs due to adjustment processes with reference to a size of a region. He argued that a given country should join a currency area if the costs due to adjustment processes resulting from changes in its income are lower than the costs due to a change in an exchange rate. P. Kennen introduced another new criterion for creating the new OCA theory6, i.e. a level of production diversification in a given area. This means that the higher this level is, the better the conditions for making an exchange course fixed are in relation to third countries 4 5 6 H. Visser, A Guide to International Monetary Economics. Exchange Rate Theories, Systems and Policies, Northampton: Edward Elgar Publishing, Cheltenham, 2004, p. 189. R. McKinnon, R.G. Schnabl, Synchronized Business Cycles in East Asia and Fluctuations in the Yen? Dollar Exchange Rate, Hong Kong Institute for Monetary Research, January 22, 2003. P.B. Kennen, E.E. Meade, Regional Monetary Integration, New York: Cambridge University Press, 2008. 31 32 Józef Bogusław Osoba and thereby establishing the optimum currency area is more probable. He said that small countries with their hardly diversified and low-volume production should have a floating exchange rate, or actually their own national currencies which can enable such a rate. Consequently, their joining the OCA is not discredited though they should aim at adopting a common currency in the long run. Kennen claims that production diversification is reflected in a diversified export structure, which limits terms of trade fluctuations and thus exchange rates fluctuations. Additionally, Kennen postulated to centralise fiscal and monetary authority at a supranational level as a condition necessary to create an optimum currency area. This issue is also discussed by H. Grubel who adds that under an OCA, countries can remain sovereign in their foreign and internal policies, e.g. be autonomous in concluding agreements with third countries, adopting the most suitable tax system and tax rates, setting their government expenditure, setting limits on their turnover or transfer of production factors. Some further developments of the new OCA theory focused on nominal factors such as inflation rate convergence or a level of financial integration. For example, M. Fleming emphasised that an optimum currency area can be created only by countries of a similar inflation level. T. Scitovsky and J. Ingram argued that integration in financial markets is necessary as a determinant of an optimum currency area, besides assuring internal job mobility7. The high level of financial integration could facilitate a capital flow if a current account appeared to have moved into deficit. This could help member states avoid a negative demand shock which would increase an unemployment rate. In the 1990s, the discussions on the theory of an optimum currency area, accompanied by increasingly intensive integration in the European Union (Treaty of Maastricht), were highly animated. Above all, it was stressed again already under the new OCA theory that a currency union can be successfully set up if political premises besides economic conditions are satisfied and public support is gained. In addition, a currency union began to be perceived as a possible solution that could be beneficial for less developed countries and those with higher inflation. Actually, joining a currency area can be beneficial to the expectations about inflation and improve international credibility of a given country. Satisfying the criteria formulated by the current OCA theory on an ex ante basis, which was just a contribution of this new OCA theory, 7 H. Visser, A Guide to..., pp. 192-193. Theory of optimum currency areas and monetary integration in the European Union was not necessarily a decisive factor for joining a monetary union. Under the conditions of the globalising world market and growing integration of economies, a more relevant concept of so-called endogeneity of the OCA criteria was proposed. This theory assumes that economic integration and business cycle synchronisation are endogenous processes relative to monetary integration. That is why the countries that can create a currency union and eliminate an essential barrier for economic and financial integration, i.e. a separate currency, will be capable of intensifying their trade exchange. As a result, a range of correlation of business cycles between them will increase, and thus they will better fulfil the criteria of an optimum currency area on an ex post basis. Retrospectively, this concept seems to be too optimistic. The new OCA theories focus much on synchronising business cycle phases. If there no synchronization, the risk of asymmetric shocks occurs8. A. Zielińska-Głębocka notices that the asymmetry of shocks requires a diversified economic policy, which is limited or simply impossible in a currency union. Consequently, higher costs of membership in a union, especially for less developed countries are obvious9. This synchronization hardly exists in the European Union. Furthermore, A. Bień claims that the concept of an optimum currency area is difficult to be defined as a group of countries establish a currency area with a common currency as in the Eurozone or national currencies as in the area of the whole EU, they are interrelated by mutual fixing exchange rates when the external convertibility of established currency or interrelated currencies is based on a floating exchange rate10. Therefore, it is difficult to confirm that such an area is an OCA for sure. Undoubtedly, the OCA 8 The simplified course of the asymmetric shock is as follows. Let us assume that the EMU consists of two countries: A and B. Let us assume that country A’s demand decreases, e.g. due to a decrease in demand on import declared by foreign countries at the cost of commodities from country B. This change in A country results in a production decrease and unemployment increase. There is a deficit on its current account because automatic stabilizers that operate in an economy make a decrease in income (and expenses) less than a production decrease. Consequently, export drops faster than import. Symmetrically reverse processes occur in country B as this country experiences an increase in exogenous demand. Thus, both of the countries suffer from adaptation problems. 9 K. Gawlikowska-Hueckel, A. Zielińska-Głębocka, Integracja europejska. Od jednolitego rynku do unii walutowej [European Integration. From a Unified Market to a Currency Union], Warszawa: Wydawnictwo C.H. Beck, 2004, p. 252. 10 This author adopts a given region’s capability of better satisfying the needs of its residents as a criterion for currency area optimality followed by the rules on a currency area in relation to the period prior to its creation. See: A. Bień, Optymalny obszar walutowy. Teoria i praktyka [Optimum Currency Area. Theory and Practice], Warszawa: PWE, 1988, pp. 16, 17. 33 34 Józef Bogusław Osoba theory was highly modified over time, which was not always good for the invariability of the criteria that define its inherent rules. Therefore, the original criteria seem to be the most relevant to define the essence of an OCA area and rules for joining it. When the EMU was expanded, although the criteria for joining it were modified, observing these criteria was of little importance. For example, Germany violated the convergence criterion of the 3% GDP deficit reference value over many years after 1991, which is a well known fact. This country exceeded this deficit reference value 6 times between 2000 and 2010, i.e. in 2002, 2003, 2004, 2009, and 201011. Surprisingly, the European Commission has imposed no sanctions on Germany by far although it commenced a procedure of an excessive deficit against RFN in 2002. 2. Integration in the EU and debt crisis in the Eurozone The current global depression has demonstrated a significant lack of currency and financial cohesion within the economic union established by the Eurozone countries and other European Union Member States. This cohesion is perceived as the cohesion of the OCA area. It is about the following countries of the Eurozone: Belgium, Spain, Portugal, Ireland, Italy, and even France and Greece. Also, the countries from outside the Eurozone like Hungary, Latvia are coping with a serious public financial and debt crisis. Figure 1 shows particular levels of the debt. The data prove that more than 12 countries of the EMU have a public debt higher than 60% of their GDP, which means that they, including the EMU pillar, or Germany’s economy, actually fail to obey the convergence rules. Thus, the question arises whether other members can be accepted to the Eurozone in the near future under the current rules. So one must think about whether the present Euroland is a coherent area in terms of the balanced public finance in each country and the entire zone regarded as a coherent OCA. Are any activities to improve its functioning required now, and thus improving its coherence? Can, therefore, the Eurozone overcome the current crisis and keep its common currency, or the Euro? 11 Data from the Statistisches Jahrbuch for the years referred – Stastistisches Bundesamt, Wiesbaden. Theory of optimum currency areas and monetary integration in the European Union The debate on the public finance system in the Economic and Monetary Union refers to three issues, i.e. EU budget, especially its significance for implementing the Lisbon Strategy objectives of economic and employment growth, national budget policies and the rigors imposed by the provisions of the Treaty of Maastricht and the Stability and Growth Pact, and importance of a fiscal policy in the EMU. The debate was prior to, e.g. European Economic Recovery Plan, adopted on November 26, 200812. This plan involved a number of actions to both mitigate the economic recession and support the long-term structural reforms. Under the budget policy, the plan proposed a counter-cyclical macro-economic response in the form of an immediate budgetary impulse estimated in total for € 200 milliard (1.5% of the EU’s GDP) of which € 30 milliard were made up of EU funding. Consequently, this immediate budgetary impulse was designed to stimulate demand and restore consumer confidence and reduce social costs of the recession. Based on the income and expense side of the budget, these immediate budgetary impulses involve extra public expenses, guarantees and credit subventions, financial incentives, reduced social insurance contribution, and reduced taxes. The actions taken were expected to be: fast so that their effects could be noticeable just during the economic slowdown but not when emerging from the recession, temporary to avoid the long-term deterioration of public finance, capable of solving the most urgent economic and social problems, and well-coordinated. Obviously, the actions taken by individual countries should have referred to their budgetary situation. If some of them, however, were in excess over the permissible budgetary deficit reference value of 3% of GDP, such an extraordinary relaxation of budgetary discipline was still justified under the Stability and Growth Pact which allowed an excess over the reference value as a result of “a negative annual GDP volume growth rate or from an accumulated loss of output during a protracted period of very low annual GDP volume growth”13. Nevertheless, the countries with an excessive deficit should make an effort to correct it in an average period together with an improvement of economic situation14. 12 European Commission, A European Economic Recovery Plan, COM (2008) 800 final. 13 Council Regulation (EC) no 1056/2005 of 27 June 2005 amending Regulation (EC) no 1467/97 on speeding up and clarifying the implementation of the excessive deficit procedure, Official Journal of the European Union 174/5 of 7 July 2005. 14 European Commission, Public Finance in EMU – 2009, pp. 13 and 14. 35 36 Józef Bogusław Osoba The need of pursuing a stabilising fiscal policy also results from the theory of optimum currency areas discussed previously15. As in Robert Mundell’s theory cited, delegating a fiscal policy to an Economic Union is necessary to assure the undisturbed functioning of this Economic Union, composed of countries with a common currency and those without it though belonging to the Economic Union, e.g. Hungary, Poland, Czech Republic. They may be endangered by asymmetric shocks relieved by mechanisms which can redress the balance in these countries. These mechanisms come from a monetary policy, e.g. changes in exchange rate or interest rate, a budgetary policy, e.g. budgetary savings, and a fiscal policy, e.g. interregional transfers from a central budget to the budgets of countries facing such problems, and demand-stimulating measures as well as market mechanisms, e.g. changes in remuneration and prices, and workforce mobility. The only problem is that a monetary policy is not accessible to all members of the EMU area. Thus, an adjustment burden shifts towards market mechanisms and a budgetary policy only. Even if we assume that remuneration and prices are flexible and workforce is mobile, market mechanisms may be too expensive for economies of some countries in the EMU. Therefore, they resort to budgetary and fiscal policies as the easiest and most accessible tools to respond to asymmetric shocks, and budgetary indebting in some countries is triggered. The research by Dullien and Schwarzer indicates that between 1991 and 2006, a fiscal policy in two countries only, i.e. Austria and Finland had a meaningful impact on mitigating the business cycle fluctuations16. The impact of a fiscal policy is statistically insignificant or hardly significant for the remaining countries unlike the United States and Japan where a 1% production gap growth is reflected in budgetary deficit growth by about 0.9% and 0.6%, respectively. This correlation means that a discretional fiscal policy is clearly contradictory to automatic stabilizers and does not contribute to mitigating business cycle fluctuations. If you want to determine the reasons for the ineffective Eurozone fiscal policy with respect to economic stabilisation, you should consider the level at which it is implemented. Nowadays, EU Member 15 R. Baldwin, C. Wyplosz, The Economics of European Integration, 2nd edition, London 2006, p. 358. 16 S. Dullien, D. Schwarzer, Integrating the Macroeconomic Dimension into the EU Budget: Reasons, Instruments and the Question of Democratic Legitimacy, [in:] EU Consent EU-Budget, Working Paper, August 2007, No. 4. Theory of optimum currency areas and monetary integration in the European Union States are mainly responsible for this task. Actually, the theory of fiscal federalism or multilevel governing indicates that macroeconomic stabilization should be provided just by a central level, or supranational in the EU. For small open economies, any effects of fiscal policy stabilisation like higher prices of imported commodities by a given country are noticeable abroad, and thus this case pertains to external benefits which are one of the rationales of centralisation of a given policy17. The costs of economy stabilisation in the form of higher debt are merely paid by a given country. Consequently, such a country may be reluctant to make efforts to mitigate business cycle fluctuations, which, in turn, may deepen its current account deficit, and thus increase its debt. Admittedly, a decision about fiscal policy coordination under the EMU was taken but member countries retained some flexibility to decide about their budgets so that not to limit automatic stabilizers embedded in the income (tax) and expense side of their national budgets. However, an autonomic fiscal policy was subject to European rules written in the Stability and Growth Pact so that it could not hamper a pursuit of a homogeneous monetary policy and, what is more, could not be a source of asymmetric shocks. With these rules, current account deficits deepened and debt continued to increase because some countries like Greece could not overcome the temptation of not using their budgetary means to cope with symptoms of asymmetric shocks. They thought that the Union would manage them somehow as a guarantor of a common currency. The budget was balanced by issuing indebt securities which were mostly bought by German and French banks. Budgetary means were used, for example, for current consumption like wellknown extra salaries, i.e. 13th and 14th month’s salaries for employees of expanded self-government and government administration. In fact, this action could be justified by the economic theory of Ricardian equivalence only18. However, the assumptions of D. Ricardo’s neoliberal theory have been recently abandoned in the economic theory and an increasing number of economists are questioning the plausibility of Ricardian 17 J. Pelkmans, European Integration. Methods and Economic Analysis, FT Prentice Hall, 2006, p. 48. 18 In its brief form, Ricardian equivalence called Barro-Ricardo equivalence theorem, is based on the lack of difference between the effects of financing public expenses by indebting and those by charging taxes. Taxes are socially unpopular that is why financing public expenses by borrowing money is more attractive, which was used by countries such as Greece and other EMU countries. 37 38 Józef Bogusław Osoba equivalence which underlies the previous way of implementing a budgetary policy. The emergency actions taken by the EU countries consisted first in creating the Euro-Plus Pact, initiated by Germany19. Its main goal was to strengthen the competitiveness of not only the Eurozone but also the whole European Union. Consequently, its common objectives such as introducing statutory debt limits, reforming a retirement system, increasing employment, limiting bureaucracy or associating wages with productivity though not common methods of their achievement were specified. The Competitiveness Pact and then its extended version Euro-Plus was to, above all, save the PIGS countries, or Portugal, Ireland, Greece, and Spain where a public debt-to-GDP ratio exceeded 100% or was close to this value, as given in Table 1. Yet, a serious situation in Italy where this index exceeded 100% did not arise entirely then. Thus, a new institution was established because the defensive mechanisms of the European Union and the Eurozone like the Stability and Growth Pact could not prevent this financial predicament. The action undertaken then was known as the six-pack which was accepted by EP’s Economic Affairs Committee in April 2011. It was a packet of six documents, i.e. five regulations and one directive on managing the economy of the EMU zone and the Eurozone. The sixpact strengthened the Stability and Growth Pact, keeping the EU public finances in check. Four of these documents directly strengthened the Stability and Growth Pact and supervised the budgets of the EU Member States. The remained ones defined rules for monitoring and controlling macroeconomic discrepancies among the EU Member States. These regulations harmonise the rules of the budgetary policy in the Eurozone countries, strengthen the budgetary discipline, limit the possibility of incurring debt by individual countries, and permit imposing automatic severe financial sanctions on any wasteful members of the Eurozone. Inflicted automatically, disregarding the consent by any suitable bodies of a guilty country and the EU bodies, this financial penalty means taking a guilty country’s deposit made earlier in the ECB if this country exceeds the amount of this deposit. 19 For now, 17 countries of the Eurozone and Poland, Denmark, Lithuania, Latvia, Romania and Bulgaria have joined the Euro-Plus Pact. They have declared their willingness of more ambitious reforms and intense coordination of their autonomous so far economic policies in relation to the one required by the Treaties underlying the European Union. To make work more effective, the leaders of 23 countries are to meet at least once a year to develop the details. Theory of optimum currency areas and monetary integration in the European Union Figure 1. Debt of the Eurozone countries, Poland, and Estonia at the end of 2011 Source: Eurostat data at www.bankier.pl of April 23, 2012. The red line refers to the criterion of Maastricht. Figure 2. Budgetary deficit of the Eurozone countries, Estonia and Poland against GDP at the end of 2011 Source: Eurostat data at www.bankier.pl of April 23, 2012. The red line refers to the criterion of Maastricht. 39 40 Józef Bogusław Osoba Figures 1 and 2 show a serious level of debt of the selected EU countries as of the end of 2011. The debt of 12 countries exceeds the 60% reference value of debt-to-their GDP and the 3% reference value of a budgetary deficit-to-their GDP. These values are shown against the data for Estonia that is one of the EU countries with the most favourable ratio of debt and deficit to GDP. The Eurostat data for 2011 shows that the budget deficit of all EU-27 MS amounted to € 565.1 milliard and the total public debt increased to € 8.22 billion in relation to € 7.82 billion in 2010. The data in Figure 2 show how much 11 countries of the Eurozone exceeded the budget deficit reference value despite taking remedial actions in the previous years. Poland does not differ from most of the EMU countries. In 2010, the Eurozone members established the European Finance Stability Facility (EFSF) known as Firewall of € 432 milliard. Having a legal status, this fund defences the stability of the Euro and redresses financial balance in each country20. This fund expires in the middle of 2013 but it will be replaced by the European Stability Mechanism (ESM) which will be a permanent mechanism as an international financial organisation. The mechanism will have its own capital of € 80 milliard and a callable capital of € 620 milliard. The ESM will be capable of subsidising banks and purchasing bonds without a go-between activity of governments. Contrary to the EFSF, any urgent decisions in the ESM are to be taken by the majority of votes representing 85% of capital in the fund. Consequently, the ESM can be more resistant to any decreases in rating of its countries – shareholders. As with its predecessor, the ESM will emit bonds to finance loans. For the ESM, every-time consent of national parliaments to pay out next tranches of financial assistance may turn out to be redundant because any loans granted by the ESM will not directly increase its shareholders’ debt as it was for the guarantees by the EFSF. Despite these payouts will be more automatic, initiating every tranche of assistance, whether for a country or banks, will still 20 It is worth mentioning that Moody’s credit rating agency on July 24, 2012 lowered the rating of this fund from stable to negative. It was stated in the communication published that this decision is a consequence of the recent changes in the evaluation of Moody’s credit forecasts concerning the Eurozone states’ bonds as the EFSF guarantors. A few days later, Mood’s lowered also the credit rating forecast of Germany, Netherlands and Luxemburg from stable to negative for – as it was said – increasing uncertainty around the debt crisis in Europe. Another reason was high probability that any further help for countries experiencing financial difficulties will be necessary. Until now Ireland, Portugal, and Greece have taken advantage of the EFSF assistance. Spain and Cyprus are queuing for the aid for their banks. Theory of optimum currency areas and monetary integration in the European Union be conditioned by an approval by the Eurogroup, or the finance ministers of the Eurozone. Just as it is now, their decisions will be based on, e.g. the evaluation by the European Commission as well as the European Central Bank or the International Monetary Fund (IMF), depending on a type of financial aid. By virtue of the decisions of the EU summit in June 2012, the ESM will be more capable of intervening in the financial markets. This can be possible if common banking supervision will be established. Any key decisions will still, however, require shareholders’ unanimity. Nevertheless, the previous actions concerning this subject matter seem to be insufficient because the European Central Bank in October 2012, for the first time, was forced, despite its earlier resolute denials, to intervene in the capital market by buying bonds issued by one of the EMU countries, i.e. Spain. Conclusions To sum up, the European Economic and Monetary Union was intended as an example of an optimum currency area based on the rules developed by R. Mundell, called the New OCA theories which expanded his assumptions in the following years. This formation also based on the written convergence rules which obviously put some limits on macroeconomic indexes for the new countries. Any further expansion of the EU and accepting new members to the Eurozone aimed at creating a new OCA free from any disturbances and crises. Unfortunately, this has not happened so. The unwritten rules for creating the EMU and its further functioning have considerably moved away from the initial assumptions of an OCA. Also, the convergence rules included in the Union Treaty were violated when new countries were accepted to the EU. Therefore, one can hardly agree that the European Economic and Monetary Union can still be called an optimum currency area as it has lost the features typical of cohesion. Nowadays, the EU and Euroland are at the turning point evoked by the most serious financial crisis in their history. The breach of convergence rules by some countries of this zone may lead to irreversible and negative effects for the EMU. Departing from the principal and primary OCA rules that underlay the EMU has resulted in this state of affairs. It is mainly about the lack of similarity of structures of individual national economies in terms of a level of production diversification and what follows their flexibility and resistance to asymmetric shocks, e.g. 41 42 Józef Bogusław Osoba Portugal and Germany, Greece, and Germany and an ineffective pursuit of a countercyclical policy, as well as the falsification of financial statistics on the convergence criteria both when joining the Eurozone and being its member, e.g. Greece. Violating the convergence rule like the one applied to some pillars of the Euroland and the whole EMU when it functioned, e.g. Germany’s economy exceeded a budget deficit above 3% of GDP and the reference value of general debt-to-GDP, i.e. above the 60% reference value of GDP. The EU members take numerous actions to save the coherence of the Eurozone and deepen the integration of the EMU zone and the whole EU. These actions can be briefly described as a return to the EMU convergence rules with automatic penalties paid for breaking them. The question arises whether it is also a return to the initial OCA rules, which means achieving economic symmetry of the whole EMU area. The answer is that this objective seems achievable for countercyclical policy coordination, balancing inflation rates although in the short run, it is not so for production diversification and mobility of productive factors. Actually, the necessity of deepening political integration of the whole EMU to take any economic actions successful in the longer run is not discussed here. Bibliography Baldwin R., Wyplosz C., The Economics of European Integration, 2nd edition, London 2006. Bień A., Optymalny obszar walutowy. Teoria i praktyka [Optimum Currency Area. Theory and Practice], Warszawa: PWE, 1988. Borowiec J., Unia ekonomiczna i monetarna [Economic and Monetary Union], Wrocław: Wydawnictwo Akademii Ekonomicznej, 2001. Council Regulation (EC) no 1056/2005 of 27 June 2005 amending Regulation (EC) no 1467/97 on speeding up and clarifying the implementation of the excessive deficit procedure, Official Journal of the European Union 174/5 of 7 July 2005. Dullien S., Schwarzer D., Integrating the Macroeconomic Dimension into the EU Budget: Reasons, Instruments and the Question of Democratic Legitimacy, [in:] EU Consent EU-Budget, Working Paper, August 2007, No. 4. European Commission, A European Economic Recovery Plan, COM (2008) 800 final. Frenkel M., Nickel C., How Symmetric are the Shocks Adjustment Dynamics between the Euro Area and Central and Eastern European Countries?, IMF Working Paper 02/222, 2002. Theory of optimum currency areas and monetary integration in the European Union Gawlikowska-Hueckel K., Zielińska-Głębocka A., Integracja europejska. Od jednolitego rynku do unii walutowej [European Integration. From a Unified Market to a Currency Union], Warszawa: Wydawnictwo C.H. Beck, 2004. Kennen P.B, Meade E.E., Regional Monetary Integration, New York: Cambridge University Press, 2008. McKinnon R. Schnabl R.G., Synchronized Business Cycles in East Asia and Fluctuations in the Yen? Dollar Exchange Rate, Hong Kong Institute for Monetary Research, January 22, 2003. Mundell R., A Theory of Optimum Currency Areas, American Economic Review, November 4, 1961. Pelkmans J., European Integration. Methods and Economic Analysis, FT Prentice Hall, 2006. Visser H., A Guide to International Monetary Economics. Exchange Rate Theories, Systems and Policies, Northampton: Edward Elgar Publishing, Cheltenham, 2004. 43 Tomasz Stępniewski The European Union’s Eastern Partnership: between realism and disillusion1 Abstract: The European Union’s Eastern policy has been modified continually in the 21st century because the European Neighbourhood Policy, the framework for its activities towards its neighbours, is an ineffective tool. Faced with the low efficient activities, the EU authorities and the individual Member States have been coming up with new initiatives aimed at making the operations more productive. This is exemplified by the Black Sea Synergy and the Eastern Partnership projects managed by the Eastern neighbours and the Union for the Mediterranean pertaining to the states of the Southern neighbourhood. The Eastern Partnership is becoming an increasingly recognisable sign of the EU’s activities in Eastern Europe. The Partnership is a young policy, still under implementation. Its effective implementation requires all of the 27 EU Member States and the 6 states embraced by the policy to cooperate. During its Presidency of the EU in the second half of 2011, Poland strove to make the Eastern Partnership the main objective of the East European and South Caucasian policy. As it turned out, certain international events precluded the EaP from becoming the key issue under the Polish Presidency, and the state of the affairs behind the Eastern border of the EU also seems to indicate that this initiative is waning for perceiving it as a project of a little impact. Keywords: European Union, Eastern Partnership, South Caucasus, security 1 This paper was previously published in Polish: T. Stępniewski, Partnerstwo Wschodnie Unii Europejskiej: między realizmem a rozczarowaniem [Eastern Partnership: Between Realism and Disillusion], Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej [Yearbook of the Institute of East-Central Europe], T. Stępniewski (ed.), Year 10 (2012), Vol. 2: Kaukaz – kultura, społeczeństwo, polityka [Caucasus – Its Culture, Society, and Policy], pp. 11-22. 46 Tomasz Stępniewski Introduction The European Union’s Eastern policy has been modified continually in the 21st century because the European Neighbourhood Policy, the framework for its activities towards its neighbours, is an ineffective tool. Faced with the low efficient activities, the EU authorities and the individual Member States have been coming up with new initiatives aimed at making the operations more productive. This is exemplified by the Black Sea Synergy and the Eastern Partnership2 projects dedicated to the Eastern neighbours and the Union for the Mediterranean pertaining to the states of the Southern neighbourhood. The Eastern Partnership is becoming an increasingly recognisable sign of the EU’s activities in Eastern Europe. The Partnership is a young policy, still under implementation. Its effective implementation requires all of the 27 EU Member States and the 6 states embraced by the policy to cooperate. During its Presidency of the EU in the second half of 2011, Poland strove to make the Eastern Partnership the main objective of the East European and South Caucasian policy. As it turned out, certain international events precluded the EaP from becoming the key issue under the Polish Presidency, and the state of the affairs behind the Eastern border of the EU also seems to indicate that this initiative is waning for perceiving it as a project of a little impact. The efficiency of the EU’s Eastern policy also depends on the Union itself. Its decision makers tend to approach the Eastern neighbourhood in a technocratic way, devoid of sensitivity to the peculiarity of the states addressed by the Union’s activities. The lack of a clear strategy towards the region means that the EU is impairing its efficiency. Meanwhile, history tells us that a prospect of integration has been the most efficient mechanism of change in the internal situation of the candidate countries3. 2 3 More in: T. Stępniewski, Geopolityka regionu Morza Czarnego w pozimnowojennym świecie [The Geopolitics of the Black Sea Region in the Post-Cold War World], Lublin–Warszawa 2011; M. Klatt, T. Stępniewski, Normative Influence. The European Union, Eastern Europe and Russia, Lublin–Melbourne 2012. P.J. Borkowski, K. Dośpiał-Borysiak, T. Kapuśniak, Wymiar południowy, północny i wschodni Unii Europejskiej: osiągnięcia, szanse, wyzwania [The Southern, Northern and Eastern Dimensions of the EU: Achievements, Opportunities, Challenges], Prace Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej [Proceedings of the Institute of East-Central Europe], Vol. 1, Lublin– Łódź–Warszawa 2009, pp. 67-74; T. Kapuśniak, Polityka Unii Europejskiej w regionie Morza Czarnego [The Policy of the EU in the Black Sea Region], [in:] T. Kapuśniak (ed.), Unia Europejska i Federacja Rosyjska wobec regionu Morza Czarnego [The European Union and the Russian Federation towards the Black Sea Region], Lublin 2010, pp. 13-22. The European Union’s Eastern Partnership: between realism and disillusion The paper briefly outlines the assumptions, goals and instruments of the Eastern Partnership and the challenges it faces in Eastern Europe and South Caucasus, followed by a discussion of its achievements and development prospects. An attempt will be made to answer the question: Will the Eastern Partnership share the fate of the European Neighbourhood Policy and be held hostage by haggling inside the EU and the sceptical approach of the addressees of the policy, or will it prove capable of tangibly influence the shape and logic of the EU’s relations with its Eastern partners? And, first and foremost, does the EaP have the potential and ability to transform the EU’s Eastern policy? 1. The European Union’s Eastern Partnership: origin, goals, instruments4 The initiative of the Eastern Partnership, an essential component of the European Union’s Eastern policy, is a new proposal of regional co-operation dedicated to some states of Eastern Europe and South Caucasus: Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine. Put forward by Poland and Sweden, the idea was launched on May 7, 2009 during the Prague summit. Back in May 2008, the initiating states had proposed to strengthen the relations with their Eastern neighbours, included the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) although the final shape of the project was also an outcome of the activities by many other EU member states5. The need to intensify the relations with the Eastern neighbours had been repeatedly brought to attention by the states of the Vysehrad Group, and Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia maintained a similar stance6. Germany, which had come up with the idea of the so- 4 5 6 This subchapter has been based on: T. Kapuśniak, T. Olejarz, Partnerstwo Wschodnie w kontekście stosunków Unia Europejska–Federacja Rosyjska [The Eastern Partnership in the context of the EU-RF relations], Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej [Yearbook of the Institute of East-Central Europe], T. Kapuśniak (ed.), Year 8 (2010), Vol. 3: UE–USA– NATO a Federacja Rosyjska [UE-USA-NATO and the Russian Federation], pp. 22-28. T. Kapuśniak, Miejsce Ukrainy w polityce wschodniej Unii Europejskiej. Perspektywa Polski [The Position of Ukraine in the Eastern Policy of the EU. A Polish Perspective], Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe [Cracow International Studies], 2009, No. 4 (VI), pp. 95-107. See: K. Pełczyńska-Nałęcz, A. Duleba, L. Póti, V. Votápek, Polityka wschodnia Unii Europejskiej – perspektywa krajów wyszehradzkich. Myśląc o Wymiarze Wschodnim [The Eastern Policy of the EU – the Visegrad Countries’ Perspective. Thinking of the Eastern Dimension], Punkt Widzenia [Viewpoint] OSW, Warsaw, February 2003. 47 48 Tomasz Stępniewski called ENP Plus7 during its EU Presidency in the first half of 2007, also played a crucial role. In December 2007, the European Council accepted the Polish-Lithuanian proposal of developing the Southern and Eastern dimension of the ENP, not only bilateral, but also multilateral, which was another mark of change in the EU’s attitude to the neighbourhood policy. The Eastern Partnership draws on the European Neighbourhood Policy, implemented since 2004. Many Member States regard it as an extension of their previous efforts to strengthen the ENP in its East European sector and, at the same time, as a new opening in the EU’s relations with the Partnership’s addressees. The strong support given to the initiative also resulted from the changing conditions both inside and outside the EU. Five years after the EU’s enlargement, the awareness of challenges and threats in Eastern Europe and South Caucasus was obviously greater among the EU Member States. At present, all the members are aware that the political tensions, economic destabilisation and frozen conflicts in the region may bear directly on the EU. Moreover, it is not a coincidence that the work on the Eastern Partnership project accelerated after the Russo-Georgian war and that the co-operation in the energy sector has been its important element. The lesson learnt over the several years of enforcing the ENP was that the efficiency of the policy can be improved if its instruments are adjusted to the specific character of the countries concerned and that it is imperative that more consideration be given to the aspirations of the EU’s neighbours from Eastern Europe8. It should be mentioned now that the premises mentioned above, as well as the events of the so-called Arab Spring induced the EU to announce, in May 2011, a report with a new rule to guide the European Neighbourhood Policy saying more for more, which means more funding in return for progress in integration and internal reform (Deliver- 7 8 B. Wojna, M. Gniazdowski, Partnerstwo Wschodnie: geneza, możliwości i wyzwania [Eastern Partnership: Its Origin, Opportunities, and Challenges], Biuletyn PISM [PISM Bulletin], April 30, 2009, No. 24 (556), www.pism.pl; S. Schaffer, D. Tolksdorf, The Eastern Partnership – “ENP plus” for Europe’s Eastern Neighbours, CAPerspectives, 2009, No. 4, pp. 1-4. B. Wojna, M. Gniazdowski (eds.), Partnerstwo Wschodnie – raport otwarcia [Eastern Partnership – Opening Report], Polski Instytut Spraw Międzynarodowych [Polish Institute of International Affairs], Warsaw, April 2009, p. 5; Ch. Hillion, A. Mayhew, The Eastern Partnership – something new or window-dressing, SEI Working Paper, Sussex European Institute, January 2009, No. 109, http://www.sussex.ac.uk/sei/documents/wp_109.pdf The European Union’s Eastern Partnership: between realism and disillusion ing on a New European Neighbourhood Policy, May 15, 2012)9. It is worth noting that the enforcement of the new rule by the EU may in fact lead to a decrease in EU funding given to the countries of the Eastern Partnership10. With reference to its main assumptions, it should be noted that the Eastern Partnership is a plan for developing the relations between the EU and the states of Eastern Europe and South Caucasus, which enables the latter to gradually begin participating in the EU policies and programmes and to integrate with the common market. In a bilateral aspect, it stipulates the signing of association agreements and the creation of extensive and comprehensive zones of free trade. The initiative also provides for multilateral cooperation of the EU’s Eastern neighbours, including regular meetings of heads of states, ministers for foreign affairs, high officials, and experts. It should be a forum to exchange information and experience between the partner countries and a mechanism to build mutual trust. Ignoring the hard security agenda in the Eastern Partnership (desecuritisation) is intended to allow the EU’s soft power and, indirectly, to foster the improvement of international security in the region. The project itself is not an enlargement strategy although it does not exclude the possibility for the countries concerned to become EU members one day. The model of the relation development with the EU as defined by the EaP seems flexible enough to satisfy the needs of both the countries only interested in cooperating closely with the EU (Armenia, Belarus) and those aspiring to directly participate in the process of European integration (Ukraine, Georgia)11. Additionally, the Eastern Partnership in its bilateral dimension postulates the elaboration of a new basis for the legal relations between the EU and its Eastern neighbours, in the shape of the aforementioned association agreements. Moreover, the practical implementation of the project entails the need for action towards a full liberalisation of the visa 9 Delivering on a new European Neighbourhood Policy, Joint Communication to the European Parliament, the Council, the European Economic and Social Committee and the Committee of the Regions, Brussels, May 15, 2012, JOIN (2012) 14 final. 10 T. Iwański, A. Ciechanowicz, A. Kwiatkowska-Drożdż, R. Sadowski, Kryzys w relacjach UE – Ukraina wokół sprawy Tymoszenko [Crisis in the EU-Ukraine Relations due to the Tymoshenko Case], Tydzień na Wschodzie [Week in the East], September 9, 2012, No. 17 (218), www. osw.waw.pl; ЄС ухвалив нову Програму з інтеграції та співпраці Східного партнерства, Представництво Європейського Союзу в Україні, July 27, 2012, http://eu.prostir.ua/ news/253736.html 11 B. Wojna, M. Gniazdowski (eds.), Partnerstwo Wschodnie – raport otwarcia [Eastern Partnership – Opening Report]..., p. 2. 49 50 Tomasz Stępniewski regime in the relations with particular partner countries, and a development of cooperation in energy security12. What is novel about the Eastern Partnership, as compared to the ENP, is the scope of its implementation (multilateral), which should contribute to and support political and economic change in the states of Eastern Europe and South Caucasus, and make it become, in the course of things, a forum for exchanging information on and experience of, e.g. democracy, management and stability, economic integration and convergence within EU policies, energy security and human relations. Many EU members and some of its partners expect the multilateral political cooperation to play the role of a tool in establishing trust across the region. It is worth mentioning that the initiative of the Eastern Partnership has provoked a discussion among the EU Member States themselves as to the relations between the Union and Russia in the area of Eastern Europe and South Caucasus. A majority of the countries have claimed that its implementation cannot in practice lead to rivalry between the EU and the RF, nor to an isolation of Russia in the region. In contrast, a competitive group of Member States have objected to the perception of EU initiatives dedicated to the Eastern Neighbourhood for Russian interests. They have claimed that the EaP should serve a kind of rapprochement of the EU entities involved irrespective of the stance of the Russian Federation, which treats the area of Eastern Europe and South Caucasus as a exclusive zone of its influence known as near abroad. All Member States have emphasised the need for a simultaneous development of the Eastern dimension of the ENP and cooperation between the EU and the RF. In order to eliminate potential incongruities between the goals of the EaP and Russia’s fears, the latter should, as EU Member States claim, participate in individual projects carried out under the Eastern Partnership13. 12 Ibidem, p. 6; K. Longhurst, Stepping into the geopolitical game. The European Union and its Eastern Neighbourhood, Analizy natolińskie [Natolin Analyses], 2007, No. 2 (15). 13 B. Wojna, M. Gniazdowski (eds.), Partnerstwo Wschodnie – raport otwarcia [Eastern Partnership – Opening Report]..., p. 8; S. Schaffer, D. Tolksdorf, The EU member states and the Eastern Neighbourhood – From composite to consistent EU foreign policy?, CAP Policy Analysis, 2009, No. 1, pp. 1-4. The European Union’s Eastern Partnership: between realism and disillusion 2. Key issues of the EU’s Eastern Partnership The Eastern Partnership assumes that action will be taken by the EU towards the Eastern states in five main areas known as priority areas: 1) integrated border management programme, 2) support for small and medium-sized enterprise development (SME Facility), 3) regional electricity markets, energy efficiency and renewable energy sources, 4) environmental management, 5) a system for diminishing the effects of natural and man-made disasters14. Unfortunately, the implementation of the priorities and the strengthening of political and economic bonds between the states of the EaP and the EU have encountered serious, mainly political, obstacles. The difficulties boil down to the following issues15: • internal problems: high corruption, weak state power, problems with the freedom of the media, limited freedom in forming opposition, organised crime; • separatist tendencies in, e.g. Georgia – Abkhazia and South Ossetia and ethnic conflicts in, e.g. Nagorno-Karabakh, Transdniestria; • a negative impact of the global economic crisis on the weak economies of the EaP countries; • strong influence of the Russian Federation in the area of EaP (broadly speaking, in the area of the so-called near abroad), wielded using political, economic, energetic and socio-cultural instruments; • strengthening the position of Turkey in the region, which weakens the impact of the EU’s activities, particularly in diversifying energy supplies as Turkey, like Russia, strives to maintain the status quo in the Black Sea region16. 14 Quoted after: Partnerstwo Wschodnie [Eastern Partnership], Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Poland, Warszawa 2011, http://www.eastern-partnership.pl 15 B. Wojna, M. Gniazdowski, Partnerstwo Wschodnie: geneza, możliwości i wyzwania [Eastern Partnership: Its Origin, Opportunities, and Challenges], Biuletyn PISM [PISM Bulletin], April 30, 2009, No. 24 (556); T. Kapuśniak, Wymiar Wschodni Europejskiej Polityki Sąsiedztwa Unii Europejskiej. Inkluzja bez członkostwa? [The Eastern Dimension of the European Union’s Neighbourhood Policy. Inclusion Without Membership?], Zeszyty natolińskie [Natolin Journals], No. 42, Natolin European Center, Warszawa 2010, p. 103, http://www.natolin.edu.pl/ pdf/zeszyty/Natolin_Zeszty_42.pdf 16 T. Stępniewski, Geopolityka regionu Morza Czarnego w pozimnowojennym świecie [The Geopolitics of the Black Sea Region in the Post-Cold War World]..., p. 39 and following. 51 52 Tomasz Stępniewski When discussing, though only briefly, the internal problems of the Eastern Partnership, one needs to emphasise that the situation in Belarus is the most difficult. Since his another victory in the presidential elections in 2010, Alexander Lukashenka has taken measures to curb the opposition and limit the freedom of speech and association, e.g. the action against the Polish Association in Belarus and attempts to outlaw it. In Ukraine, regress in democratisation has been observed since Victor Yanukovych came to power in 2010, visible in pressure on the media and limiting its freedom (using state agencies such as the Ukrainian Security Service), endemic corruption, limiting the freedom of the opposition’s activities, arresting the opposition leaders on dubious charges – the trial of Yulia Tymoshenko aroused anxiety of the Western states as to the internal situation in Ukraine. Among the East European countries, Moldova is considered the state most intent on integration although it has to cope with problems such as corruption, instability of its political system and the separatism of Transdniestria. The internal situation of the countries in South Caucasus, which are faced with the problem of lack of territorial integrity, does not look optimistic, either. Armenia increasingly follows the route of Putinism, while the President of Azerbaijan, Ilham Aliyev, usurps the entire state power. Georgia, ruled by Michael Saakashvili, fails to comply with the standards of democracy and thereby is thwarting the little democracy it won during the Revolution of Roses in 2003. It should be noted that under Saakashvili Georgia, on the one hand, carried out a number of reforms and reduced corruption, and on the other hand, due to changes and limitations to civil rights, its internal situation does not look good. The facts mentioned above testify to a stagnation and/or regress of democratisation processes, observance of human rights and the rule of law in Eastern Europe and South Caucasus. The literature refers to this phenomenon as putinisation, i.e. a reduction of freedom in the manner of the Russian Federation. Following a report by the Freedom House, we can call Russia, Belarus, Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan preserved authoritarian regimes where the Putin’s system is maintained17. 17 Cf.: T. Trenkner, Putinizacja: słowo roku 2011 [Putinisation: Word of 2011], Tygodnik Powszechny, June 24, 2012, No. 26 (3285), p. 24. The European Union’s Eastern Partnership: between realism and disillusion 3. Effects of the operation of the EU’s Eastern Partnership As stated above, the EaP is a young policy with a very short period of implementation so its success is not much impressive yet. Considering the specificity of the Eastern and Caucasian entities it is addressed to, its limited efficiency can hardly be surprising. Despite various impediments, the EaP has succeeded18: • concluding the negotiations with Ukraine regarding the association agreement (AA), which concerns a comprehensive and deepened zone of free trade (DCFTA, Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Areas) – the ratification of the DCFTA has been suspended due to the trial of the former Prime Minister, Yulia Tymoshenko19; • opening negotiations of new association agreements (AA) with Moldova, Azerbaijan, Armenia, and Georgia; • providing for a start of negotiations on DCFTA with Moldova and Georgia; • in Ukraine and Moldova, implementing action plans to liberalise the visa system (a total abolition of visas is a long-term objective). Agreements with Georgia on visa facilitation and readmission are also being enforced; • making Moldova and Ukraine join the European Energy Community; • assigning extra funds for the EaP countries; by 2014, the funding will amount to € 1.8 billion; • establishing and initiating the operation of the Civil Society Forum, which has launched various programs; aiding the creation of the European Endowment for Democracy (EED); 18 After: P.M. Jensen, Partnerstwo Wschodnie i duńska prezydencja w Radzie Unii Europejskiej: między realizmem a rozczarowaniem [Eastern Partnership and the Danish Presidency of the EU Council: Between Realism and Dissilusion], Analiza Fundacji Batorego [Analysis by Stefan Batory Foundation], Warszawa, March 2012, p. 2, http://www.batory.org.pl; L. Czechowska, Partnerstwo Wschodnie na tle innych regionalnych mechanizmów EPS – wskazania dla polskiej prezydencji [Eastern Partnership and Other Regional Mechanisms of the ENP. Recommendations for the Polish Presidency], [in:] J. Nadolska, K.A. Wojtaszczyk (eds.), Polska prezydencja w Unii Europejskiej [Polish Presidency in the EU], Warszawa 2010, p. 270. 19 More about the case of Yulia Tymoshenko, [in:] I. Lyubashenko, Znaczenie sprawy Julii Tymoszenko dla stosunków Ukrainy z Unią Europejską [The Significance of the Tymoshenko Case for the EU-Ukraine Relations], Biuletyn PISM [PISM Bulletin], July 3, 2012, No. 63 (928), www.pism.pl 53 54 Tomasz Stępniewski • establishing the EURONEST (EU-Neighbourhood East Parliamentary Assembly), made up of representatives of the partner states and the European Parliament (launched on May 3, 2011); • creating a comprehensive programme for institutional development (Comprehensive Institutional Building – CIB), operating within public administration towards the rule of law and compliance with the EU requirements. The goals will be pursued using the Twinning and TAIEX programmes; • launching its flagship projects in integrated border management, SME, energy efficiency, environment and people protection; • creating the Conference of Regional and Local Authorities for the EaP on behalf of the Committee of the Regions; • forming the EaP Business Forum, the Information and Coordination Group associating countries from outside the EU and the financial institutions interested in implementing the EaP objectives; • preparing Comprehensive Programmes of Institutional Building for five EaP countries, excluding Belarus; • enlisting the cooperation of other international organisations, e.g. the OSCE (raising the standards of human rights protection), the Council of Europe (fighting corruption), EBOR and OECD (supporting SME). In spite of the enlisted achievements of the EaP, the partner states and some EU Member States frequently criticise the EaP for its low efficiency. Regardless of the many initiatives, the lack of sizable financial resources prevents the situation in the region from improving and thus negatively affects the assessment of the EaP by the decision makers and the societies of Eastern Europe and South Caucasus. Conclusions The Eastern Partnership is definitely a policy which may bring change to the situation in the partner countries, providing the countries want to change and follow the path of democratic reform towards the rule of law. Stagnation or even regress of the democratisation and stabilisation processes in the EaP countries significantly reduces the efficiency of the project. It has to be remembered that the rivalry for common unstable neighbourhood (Eastern Europe and South Caucasus) between the European Union and the Russian Federation has also had its impact on the efficiency of the EaP. Quite frequently, the Eastern Partnership The European Union’s Eastern Partnership: between realism and disillusion is perceived by Russian decision makers as an attempt to compete for common neighbourhood20. What is more – as Peter Munk Jensen observes – the situation is a consequence of the EU’s approach as it strives to develop relations with Eastern partners while keeping them at a distance. The Union is trying to make sure, they do not become too distant but it refuses to admit them as member countries21. The lack of concrete activities on the part of the EU has not gone unnoticed by the Russian Federation. Russia has been taking action with a view to maintaining the post-Soviet states (those included in the discussed EaP programme) within the area of its influence. Examples of such steps include the war with Georgia in 2008 and the proposal of creating a Eurasian Union put forward in October 2011 by the then Prime Minister of Russia, Vladimir Putin22. On the one hand, the Eastern Partnership has got some achievements like the launch of a political dialogue in the region, visa facilitations, association agreements, and support for the civil society. On the other one, problems with the high rate of corruption, obstacles to the democratisation and stabilisation of the situation in Eastern Europe and South Caucasus make some scholars believe that the Partnership may share the fate of the ENP as after a high-flown beginning, enraging Russia, the EU’s initiative proves to be toothless, i.e. devoid of efficiency and harmless23. Given the current financial crisis in the EU, the sceptical attitude of the old EU Member States towards the enlargement and instability of the Southern neighbours, it seems highly probable that the EaP states will not be granted EU membership in the short or medium term. However, the countries of the region should intensify their efforts to 20 T. Stępniewski, Geopolityka regionu Morza Czarnego w pozimnowojennym świecie [The Geopolitics of the Black Sea Region in the Post-Cold War World]..., pp. 87-90. 21 P.M. Jensen, Partnerstwo Wschodnie... [Eastern Partnership...], p. 2. 22 U. Halbach, Vladimir Putin’s Eurasian Union. A New Integration Project for the CIS Region?, SWP Comments, January 2012, No. 1, German Institute for International and Security Affairs, www.swp-berlin.org; X. Kurowska, P. Pawlak, The EU’s Eastern Partnership – More for More, or More of the Same, Annals of Polish European Studies, 2011, Vol. 14, Centre for Europe, University of Warsaw, pp. 119-122. 23 Cf.: P.J. Borkowski, Partnerstwo Wschodnie jako instrument polityki zewnętrznej UE [Eastern Partnership as an Instrument of External Policy], [in:] A. Szeptycki (ed.), Między sąsiedztwem a integracją. Założenia, funkcjonowanie i perspektywy Partnerstwa Wschodniego Unii Europejskiej [Between Neighbourhood and Integration. Assumptions, Operation and Prospects of the EU’s Eastern Partnership], Warsaw 2011, p. 84; also: J. Kulhanek, The Fundamentals of Russia’s EU Policy, Problems of Post-Communism, Vol. 57, September/October 2010, No. 5, pp. 51-63. 55 56 Tomasz Stępniewski make the EU leave the door open for them or strive to establish an Eastern economic area connected with the EU24. Bibliography Borkowski P.J., Dośpiał-Borysiak K., Kapuśniak T., Wymiar południowy, północny i wschodni Unii Europejskiej: osiągnięcia, szanse, wyzwania [The Southern, Northern and Eastern Dimensions of the EU: Achievements, Opportunities, Challenges], Prace Instytutu Europy ŚrodkowoWschodniej [Proceedings of the Institute of East-Central Europe], Vol. 1, Lublin–Łódź–Warszawa 2009. Borkowski P.J., Partnerstwo Wschodnie jako instrument polityki zewnętrznej UE [Eastern Partnership as an Instrument of an External Policy], [in:] A. Szeptycki (ed.), Między sąsiedztwem a integracją. Założenia, funkcjonowanie i perspektywy Partnerstwa Wschodniego Unii Europejskiej [Between Neighbourhood and Integration. Assumptions, Operation and Prospects of the EU’s Eastern Partnership], Warszawa 2011. Czechowska L., Partnerstwo Wschodnie na tle innych regionalnych mechanizmów EPS – wskazania dla polskiej prezydencji [Eastern Partnership and Other Regional Mechanisms of the ENP – Recommendations for the Polish Presidency], [in:] Nadolska J., Wojtaszczyk K.A. (eds.), Polska prezydencja w Unii Europejskiej [Polish Presidency in the EU], Warszawa 2010. Delivering on a new European Neighbourhood Policy, Joint Communication to the European Parliament, the Council, the European Economic and Social Committee and the Committee of the Regions, JOIN (2012) 14 final, Brussels, 15.5.2012. ЄС ухвалив нову Програму з інтеграції та співпраці Східного партнерства, Представництво Європейського Союзу в Україні, 2012.06.27, http://eu.prostir.ua/news/253736.html. 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Thinking of the Eastern Dimension], Punkt Widzenia [Viewpoint] OSW, Warszawa, February 2003. Schaffer S., Tolksdorf D., The Eastern Partnership – “ENP plus” for Europe’s Eastern neighbors, CAPerspectives, 2009, No. 4. Schaffer S., Tolksdorf D., The EU Member States and the Eastern Neighbourhood – From composite to consistent EU foreign policy?, CAP Policy Analysis, 2009, No. 1. Stępniewski T., Geopolityka regionu Morza Czarnego w pozimnowojennym świecie [The Geopolitics of the Black Sea Region in the Post-Cold War World], Lublin–Warszawa 2011. Trenkner J., Putinizacja: słowo roku 2011 [Putinisation: Word of 2011], Tygodnik Powszechny, June 24, 2012, No. 26 (3285). Wojna B., Gniazdowski M., Partnerstwo Wschodnie: geneza, możliwości i wyzwania [Eastern Partnership: Its Origin, Opportunities, and Challenges], Biuletyn PISM [PISM Bulletin], April 30, 2009, No. 24 (556), www.pism.pl. Wojna B., Gniazdowski M. (eds.), Partnerstwo Wschodnie – raport otwarcia [Eastern Partnership – Opening Report], Polski Instytut Spraw Międzynarodowych [Polish Institute for International Affairs], Warszawa, April 2009. Paweł Pasierbiak Nominal Convergence Criteria. Their significance and fulfilment by the Central and Eastern European countries with a derogation Abstract: The author examines the significance of the nominal convergence criteria for the new EU Member States from Central and Eastern Europe in 2004-2012 and the extent to which they managed to satisfy these criteria then. In their accession treaties, these countries agreed to adopt a common currency although no specific time was precisely defined. In order to participate in and benefit from functioning in the euro area, the so-called criteria indicated in the Treaty of Maastricht need to be permanently satisfied. At first, this should contribute to a smooth introducing of the euro and later to an effective functioning of the entire economic and monetary union. The study on the degree of compliance with the nominal convergence criteria by Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Lithuania, Latvia, Poland, Romania, and Hungary indicates that these countries are not ready to join the euro area now for none of them meets all of the membership conditions. Keywords: European Union, Currency Union, Nominal Convergence, Convergence Criteria, Member States with a derogation Introduction The process of European monetary integration dates back to the 1960s when the first plans for closer cooperation were formulated. Although Raymond Barre and then Pierre Werner were preparing some proposals 60 Paweł Pasierbiak to develop monetary integration, their proposals were not implemented due to the complicated internal and external situation. Since then, however, currency matters have become continually present in the process of European integration, which has resulted in the European economic and monetary union. Consisting initially of eleven, the Eurozone comprises seventeen Member States now1. The participants of the euro area are going to change because the new European Union Member States committed themselves in their accession treaties to adopt the common currency2. Actually, the time when it happens is not specified as it depends on satisfying the conditions (criteria) of convergence. The enlargement of the European Union in 2004 by ten countries, including eight from Central and Eastern Europe and in 2007 to include Bulgaria and Romania led to the situation in which the new Member States took upon themselves an obligation to replace their national currencies with the euro. Some of the new EU Member States like Cyprus, Estonia, Malta, Slovenia or Slovakia have already complied with this obligation, while the others sooner or later will need to face this challenge. This paper analysis and assesses the degree of compliance with the nominal convergence criteria, or the Maastricht criteria by the Central and Eastern European countries with derogation such as Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Lithuania, Latvia, Poland, Romania, and Hungary in 2004-2012. This subject area refers to fiscal and monetary convergence criteria. A descriptive and analytical method was adopted to accomplish the task formulated. 1 2 United Kingdom and Denmark had negotiated opt-out arrangements before they adopted the Maastricht Treaty so they do not participate in the third stage of the European Monetary Union, and thus they do not need to fulfil the convergence criteria. These are known as countries with a derogation. Article 139 (1) of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union states: “Member States in respect of which the Council has not decided that they fulfil the necessary conditions for the adoption of the euro shall hereinafter be referred to as ‘Member States with a derogation’”. See: Official Journal of the European Union, C 83/47, March 20, 2010. Nominal Convergence Criteria 1. Nominal convergence criteria In fact, certain economic conditions must be satisfied by member states in order to ensure a proper functioning of a monetary union. R.A. Mundell, P.B. Kenen, and R.I. McKinnon specified some theoretical determinants of a smooth functioning of the so-called optimum currency area, usually identified as a monetary union. The researchers could not agree as to the main criterion for the optimality of a currency area although they initiated a debate on this issue in economic theory. Consequently, a set of criteria for defining, establishing and quite smooth functioning a monetary union have been formulated3. The Treaty of Maastricht defines a monetary union in accordance with the concept by E. Appeal who claims that a monetary union can be formed if certain specific conditions are satisfied: 1) currencies are totally and irreversibly convertible; 2) capital movements between member states are fully liberalised; 3) financial markets between member states are completely integrated; 4) exchange rate fluctuations without any margin are irreversibly fixed; 5) a common monetary policy is conducted by a central bank. Participating in a monetary union involves also some risks faced by member states when a common currency is introduced. The most serious one is the loss of control over a monetary policy, including an exchange rate which is an important tool to prevent and fight against any possible economic shocks. Therefore, the authors of the theory of optimum currency areas started with analysing external shocks and the effectiveness of mechanisms of absorbing them4. The factors which can reduce vulnerability to shocks include a diversified production structure, similar economic structures and rates of inflation. A set of factors that can increase the ability to absorb shocks includes the mobility of factors of production, flexible wages and prices, fiscal and political in- 3 4 The theoretical foundations of a monetary union are not widely discussed here for the purpose and limitations of the paper. More on this topic can be found in other publications, including B. Mucha-Leszko, Strefa euro. Wprowadzenie, funkcjonowanie, międzynarodowa rola euro [Eurozone. Introduction, Functioning, and International Role of the Euro], Lublin: Wydawnictwo UMCS, 2007, pp. 15-29 or S. Ładyka, Z teorii integracji europejskiej [From the Theory of European Integration], Katedra Integracji Europejskiej im. J. Monneta, Warszawa: Kolegium Gospodarki Światowej SGH, 2001, pp. 162-187. G. Tchorek, Teoretyczne podstawy integracji walutowej [Theoretical Fundamentals for Currency Integration], [in:] P. Kowalewski, G. Tchorek (eds.), Mechanizmy funkcjonowania strefy euro [Mechanisms for Functioning the Eurozone], Warszawa: Wydawnictwo NBP, 2010, p. 31. 61 62 Paweł Pasierbiak tegration5. This theory enabled the formulation of a set of criteria to be met so that the Monetary Union in the European Union could be correctly created and function. The created nominal convergence criteria are compatible with the new theory of optimum currency areas. The theory makers claim that a credible currency and stable public finances are key elements of sustainable economic growth and success of any monetary union created. The nominal convergence criteria, known as the Maastricht criteria, are defined in the Article 140 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU)6. Three of them include the so-called monetary criteria and one, often formulated as two separate criteria, is the fiscal criterion. The provisions of the Treaty indicate that the member states are evaluated in terms of achieving sustainable convergence, which means that the following conditions are fulfilled: 1) The achievement of a high degree of price stability. As in Article 1 of the Protocol on the convergence criteria, attached to the TFEU, the criterion on price stability shall mean that a member state shows its price performance as sustainable and its average rate of inflation, observed over one year before the examination, does not exceed by more than 1.5 percentage points that of, at most, the three best-performing Member States in terms of price stability. 2) The sustainability of the government financial position. This will be apparent from having achieved a government budgetary position without a deficit that is excessive as determined in accordance with Article 126 (6). The Commission shall examine the compliance with a budgetary discipline on the basis of the following two criteria7: a) the relationship between the planned or actual general government deficits to gross domestic product – the ratio should not exceed the reference value of 3%. b) the relationship between general government gross debt to gross domestic product – the ratio should not exceed 60%. 3) Observance of the normal fluctuation margins provided for by the exchange rate mechanism of the European Monetary System, for at least two years, without devaluation against the euro. 5 6 7 Ibidem, pp. 38-41. See: Official Journal of the European Union, C 83/47, March 20, 2010. The reference values are specified in Article 1 of the Protocol (no. 12) on the excessive deficit procedure annexed to the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union. Official Journal of the European Union, C 83/47, March 20, 2010. Nominal Convergence Criteria 4) The durability of convergence achieved by a Member State with a derogation and of its participation in the exchange-rate mechanism being reflected in the long-term interest-rate levels. The criterion on the convergence of interest rates shall mean that, observed over a period of one year before the examination, a Member State has had an average nominal long-term interest rate that does not exceed by more than two percentage points that of, at most, the three best-performing Member States in terms of price stability. Interest rates shall be measured on the basis of long-term government bonds or comparable securities8. The formulation of the nominal convergence criteria was not the main goal in achieving advanced economic convergence between the Member States. The nominal criteria can be called a kind of measure to achieve convergence in real terms. The point is that the nominal criteria need to be met in a sustainable manner, and therefore any changes in the individual economies should be structural, or long-term rather than short-term9. Moreover, although a relationship between a fulfilling of the nominal criteria and a smooth functioning of the Monetary Union is sometimes questioned in the literature, the existence of such criteria is undoubtedly a factor contributing to the stability of such a union10. Thus, the aspiration of the economy to meet the Maastricht criteria in a sustainable manner will contribute to the relatively mild convergence with the euro area countries11. 8 Article 4 of the Protocol (no. 13) on the convergence criteria attached to the Treaty of the Functioning of the European Union. Official Journal of the European Union, C 83/47, March 20, 2010. 9 See e.g.: M. Ochrymiuk, A. Rogut, Konwergencja nominalna w strefie euro. Implikacje dla Polski [Nominal Convergence in the Eurozone. Implications for Poland], Warszawa: Wydawnictwo NBP, July 2010, p. 3; Raport o konwergencji. Maj 2012 [Report on Convergence. May 2012], European Central Bank, Frankfurt am Main 2012, p. 40. 10 See e.g.: C. Triandafil, The Analysis of the Convergence Criteria. Empirical Perspective in the Context of the Sustainable Character Highlight, National Institute of Economic Research, Working Papers, No. 111205, Bucharest 2011, p. 2. 11 See e.g.: R. Kierzenkowski, Preparing for Euro Adoption in Poland, OECD Economic Department Working Papers, No. 790, ECO/WKP(2010)46, Paris, July 15, 2010, pp. 17-22. 63 64 Paweł Pasierbiak 2. Changes in meeting the fiscal criteria The period of 2004-2012 shows relatively rapid changes in the conditions of the national economies of the European Union Member States. The relatively favourable situation between 2004 and 2007 and the later growing instability of the global economy resulting from the financial and economic crisis, the high volatility of economic activity of enterprises, and internal factors associated with economic policies, all these were reflected in macroeconomic indicators that describe a condition of national economies. In the first decade of EMU, one could observe that weak fundamentals, an excessively loose macroeconomic stance at a country level and overly optimistic expectations about the convergence in real incomes posed risks not only for the countries concerned but also for the smooth functioning of the euro area as a whole12. While in the early years of membership the majority of new EU Member States declared their willingness to the rapid adoption of the common currency, in the later period this was no longer so clearly articulated. The difficulties faced by the Eurozone during the global financial and economic crisis and the unstable and often deteriorating internal situation in the countries with a derogation resulted in a flexible approach by policymakers to the obligation to replace the national currencies with the euro. This has been reflected in all of the nominal convergence indicators. Table 1 summarises the detailed data on the change in meeting the nominal convergence criteria in 2004-2012 by the countries under study: Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Latvia, Lithuania, Hungary, Poland, and Romania. Satisfying the fiscal criteria is increasingly important for the countries that have adopted the euro. Unlike a monetary policy, which is conducted by the European Central Bank at a supranational level, the Eurozone has no common fiscal policy. In consequence, this threats the stability of functioning of an economic and monetary union, especially during serious economic crises. The EMU Member States as well as the countries with a derogation use the instruments of a fiscal policy to revive their economies and improve the economic situation in their domestic markets. Based on the current experience of the euro area (2008-2011), the permanent fulfilling of the fiscal criteria, which reflects the stability of 12 ECB Convergence Report 2012, Frankfurt am Main, May 2012, p. 36. Nominal Convergence Criteria 65 Table 1. Economic indicators of convergence in 2004-2012 Government budgetary position Price stability General government General governsurplus/deficit ment gross debt HICP Long-term Exchange rate interest vis-à-vis euro* rate 2007 3.4 18.2 7.6 4.5 0.0 2008 1.8 14.1 12.5 5.4 0.0 2009 -3.9 14.8 2.5 7.2 0.0 2010 -3.1 16.3 3.0 6.0 0.0 2011 -2.1 165.3 3.4 5.4 0.0 2012 -1.9 17.6 2.7 5.3 0.0 2004 -2.9 30.7 2.6 4.8 - 2005 -3.6 30.4 1.4 3.5 - 2006 -2.7 29.4 2.1 3.8 4.8 2007 -1.6 28.7 3.0 4.3 2.0 2008 -2.7 30.0 6.3 4.6 10.2 2009 -5.9 35.4 0.6 4.8 -6.0 2010 -4.8 38.1 1.2 3.9 4.4 2011 -3.1 41.2 2.1 3.7 2.7 2012 -2.9 43.9 2.7 3.5 -1.8 2004 -0.9 14.5 6.2 4.9 - 2005 0.1 12.1 3.9 3.9 - 2006 -0.2 10.7 6.6 4.1 0.0 2007 0.0 9.7 10.1 5.3 -0.5 2008 -4.1 19.5 15.3 6.4 -0.4 2009 -9.0 36.1 3.3 12.4 -0.4 2010 -8.2 44.7 -1.2 10.3 -0.4 2011 -3.5 42.6 4.2 5.9 0.3 2012 -2.1 43.5 4.1 5.8 1.1 Lithuania 2006 -0.5 18.2 3.8 4.1 0.0 2007 -1.2 17.3 5.8 4.5 0.0 2008 -3.3 15.6 11.1 5.6 0.0 2009 -8.9 29.3 4.2 14.0 0.0 Specification Bulgaria Czech Republic Latvia 66 Paweł Pasierbiak Government budgetary position Price stability Specification General government General governsurplus/deficit ment gross debt HICP Long-term Exchange rate interest vis-à-vis euro* rate Lithuania 2010 – cont. 2011 -7.2 38.0 1.2 5.6 0.0 -5.5 38.5 4.1 5.2 0.0 2012 -3.2 40.4 4.2 5.2 0.0 2004 -6.5 59.4 6.8 8.2 - 2005 -7.8 61.7 3.5 6.6 - 2006 -9.2 65.6 4.0 7.1 -6.5 2007 -5.5 66.0 7.9 6.7 4.9 2008 -3.8 72.9 6.0 8.2 -0.1 2009 -4.0 78.3 4.0 9.1 -11.5 2010 -4.2 81.4 4.7 7.3 1.7 2011 4.3 80.6 3.9 7.6 -1.4 2012 -2.5 78.5 4.3 8.0 -6.1 2004 -3.9 41.8 3.6 6.9 - 2005 -2.5 42.0 2.2 5.2 - 2006 -3.8 47.6 1.3 5.2 3.2 2007 -2.0 45.2 2.6 5.5 2.9 2008 -3.7 47.2 4.2 6.1 7.2 2009 -7.1 51.0 4.0 6.1 -23.2 2010 -7.8 54.8 2.7 5.8 7.7 2011 -5.1 56.3 3.9 6.0 -3.2 2012 -3.0 55.0 4.0 5.8 -2.4 Romania 2007 -2.5 13.0 4.9 7.1 5.4 2008 -5.5 13.3 7.9 7.7 -10.4 2009 -8.3 23.7 5.6 9.7 -15.1 2010 -6.8 30.5 6.1 7.3 0.7 2011 -5.2 33.3 5.8 7.3 -0.6 2012 -2.8 34.6 4.6 7.3 -2.8 Hungary Poland * Average annual percentage change. Source: ECB Convergence Report 2006, Frankfurt am Main, December 2006, p. 20 (data for 2004-2005); ECB Convergence Report 2008, Frankfurt am Main, May 2008, p. 30 (data for 2006-2007); ECB Convergence Report 2010, Frankfurt am Main, May 2010, p. 33 (data for 2008-2009); ECB Convergence Report 2012, Frankfurt am Main, May 2012, p. 37 (data for 2010-2012). Nominal Convergence Criteria 67 Figure 1. General government surplus or deficit in Central and Eastern European countries with a derogation in 2004-2012, in % Source: Author’s own elaboration based on Eurostat Database. Government deficit/surplus, debt, and associated data [gov_dd_edpt1]. Date of access: 2012/10/27; ECB Convergence Report, Frankfurt am Main, May 2012, p. 37. public finances, should be regarded as one of the most important objectives that any future euro area Member States should set for themselves. In the 2004-2012 period, the budgetary position of the countries with a derogation changed quite rapidly (see Figure 1). At the beginning of the period (2004), the Treaty criterion was met by the three countries: Czech Republic, Lithuania, and Latvia. The levels of their budgetary deficits did not exceed the reference value of 3%. The other two countries13, i.e. Hungary and Poland exceeded the required threshold considerably, by 3.5 and 2.4 percentage points (p.p.), respectively. These countries were also subject to the Council Decision on the existence of an excessive deficit14. By 2008, the situation was changing for better in Poland (its deficit in 2007 reached 1.9% of GDP) and the Czech Republic. The situation was relatively stable in Lithuania and Latvia unlike Hungary which deterio- 13 Although the chart in Figure 1 shows the data for Bulgaria and Romania, these countries will not be examined until the year of their accession to the EU, i.e. 2007. 14 The procedure was introduced by the Council Decision of 5 July 2004. See: Convergence Report. December 2006, European Economy, No. 1/2006, European Communities 2007, pp. 20, 24. 68 Paweł Pasierbiak rated dramatically (its deficit in 2006 reached 9.6% of GDP). The Commission maintained that Hungary led overly an expansionary fiscal policy, consisting of huge rises in public spending and lowering taxes since 200115. The year 2008 began a strong deterioration in the budget balance in all of the countries analysed. Only two of the seven countries under scrutiny, namely Bulgaria and the Czech Republic met the budget criterion. The remaining showed their deficits significantly increased so they could not satisfy the requirement. In 2009-2010, the budget deficits in all of the countries with a derogation strongly increased because of the rapid deterioration of macroeconomic conditions. Figure 1 shows that the relation of budget deficit to the GDP in Lithuania, Latvia and Romania was close to 10%. When the convergence report was published by the European Central Bank in 2010, all of these countries, except Bulgaria, were included in the Council Decisions on the existence of an excessive deficit16. In the following months, Bulgaria also joined this group. The Council established the deadlines for an effective corrective action to be taken, i.e. 2012 for Hungary, Lithuania, Latvia, Poland, and Romania and 2013 for the Czech Republic. In 2011, the ratio of government deficit for Hungary reached temporarily a positive value of 4.3% because of ad hoc measures rather than permanent structural adjustment17. As a result of a negative opinion on the efforts towards the implementation of Hungary’s actualised convergence program of 2011, the EU Council decided to suspend commitments of the EU Cohesion Fund for 2013. The remained countries despite failing to meet the criterion undertook some further efforts involving the consolidation of public finances, which should bring about some effects in 201218. The second criterion for assessing the state of the public finances is based on an assessment of general public gross debt in relation to GDP. Figure 2 gives the relevant data. Analysing the changes between 2004 and 2012, public debt can be said to have performed much better than the budgetary criterion. However, even if all of the countries except Hungary can be said to have met this criterion, one should bear 15 Convergence Report. December 2006..., p. 21. 16 ECB Convergence Report, Frankfurt am Main, May 2010, p. 34. 17 In 2011, there was a one-off transfer of assets from a private to public pillar of the pension system. See: Convergence Report 2012, European Economy, No. 3/2012, European Communities 2012, pp. 105-106. 18 The Commission forecasts that the ratio of budget deficit to GDP only in Lithuania will excess the reference value (3.2%), while in Poland both values will be equal and in the other countries it will be less of it. ECB Convergence Report 2012..., p. 40. Nominal Convergence Criteria 69 Figure 2. Changes in general government gross debt in the Central and Eastern European countries with a derogation in 2004-2012, in % Source: Author’s own elaboration based on Eurostat Database. General government gross debt [tsdde410]. Date of access: 2012/10/27; ECB Convergence Report, Frankfurt am Main, May 2012, p. 37. in mind that the situation is dynamic and general trends are not optimistic enough. The relatively good situation until 2007 and its subsequent deterioration result from the financial and economic crisis that became increasingly deep. There is also a direct relationship between the increase in budget deficit and public debt growth. Since 2008, the value and share of public debt in relation to GDP have been increasing. In particular, this is evident in Latvia and Lithuania, but also to a lesser extent in Romania and the Czech Republic. The majority of countries achieved high levels of the indicator which, however, did not exceed 45%. For example, the share of debt in relation to GDP was steadily increasing in Poland, i.e. up to 55% in 2012 since 2004, whereas in Hungary, it exceeded the reference value since the very beginning of Hungary’s accession to the EU19. Bulgaria was the most disciplined country in reducing its public debt. In the period studied, even under adverse macroeconomic envi- 19 In 2004, the value of the indicator for Hungary amounted to 59.5%. 70 Paweł Pasierbiak ronment, there was a significant decrease in Bulgaria’s debt, i.e. to 13.7% of GDP in 2007. In the subsequent years, its public debt did not exceed 18%. The good situation in Hungary in 2011 was only a single improvement thanks to the aforementioned transfer of assets from the private to the state pension system. The European Commission have predicted that by 2012 the ratio of public debt to GDP will increase in most of the countries with a derogation although it will not exceed the reference value in all of the countries except Hungary. 3. Changes in meeting the monetary criteria Based on the data on meeting the inflation criterion, it should be noticed that the inflation rate for the countries of Central and Eastern Europe was different over the entire period. The beginning of the period witnessed moderate inflation and even a downward trend (see Table 1). The improved economic conditions after 2005 resulted in a dynamic Figure 3. Reference value for price stability and long-term interest rate for the period of May 2004 – August 2012, in % Source: Author’s own elaboration based on Eurostat Database. HICP monthly data (12-month average rate of change) [prc_hicp_mv12r] and EMU convergence criterion series – monthly data [irt_lt_mcby_m]. Date of access: 2012/10/10. Nominal Convergence Criteria 71 Table 2. Number of months of fulfilling price and interest rate criteria after joining the EU Specification Price stability (HICP) Long-term interest rate Bulgaria* 7 47 Czech Republic 69 100 Hungary 0 8 Latvia 17 64 Lithuania 23 71 Poland 37 70 Romania* 2 11 * The period for Bulgaria and Romania begins in January 2007 and covers 68 months, while for the other countries the entire period covers 100 months. Source: Author’s own elaboration based on Eurostat Database. HICP monthly data (12-month average rate of change) [prc_hicp_mv12r] and EMU convergence criterion series – monthly data [irt_lt_mcby_m]. Date of access: 2012/10/10. growth of inflation levels in most of the countries analysed. Inflation exceeded 10% in some of them or reached even 15.2% in 2008 in Latvia. This year was typical because all of the countries showed the highest value of the index over the period. The year 2008 was also the year when the effects of the financial crisis began to be felt. Negative shocks to the economy experienced by the Central and Eastern European counties as a result of certain changes in commodity prices on world markets and a general decline in economic activity decreased inflation as compared to the year before. The period of 2010-2012 showed a stabilised inflation at a level ranging from 1 to 6%. Latvia and Lithuania were exceptions as their level of inflation in 2010 strongly decreased in relation to that of 2009. Actually, even a -1.2% deflation occurred in Latvia in 2010. The compliance of the inflation criteria by the countries of Central and Eastern Europe reflected any changes in the level of inflation. Figure 3 presents the data on the course of the actual level of the reference value for the price stability criterion and long-term interest rate. The line chart clearly shows the periods of stability and volatility. The reference value was increasing though at a moderate pace in the years of economic prosperity, i.e. until 2008. Since then, greater variability was noticed. This was reflected in the ability of the CEE countries to meet this criterion. It should be emphasised that most of the countries under study had difficulties in satisfying the inflation criterion in the period. A thorough analysis of the monthly data (see Table 2) leads 72 Paweł Pasierbiak to the conclusion that the Czech Republic achieved the best results in terms of fulfilling the inflation criterion as it met the criteria in 69 out of the 100 months analysed. Poland (37/100) and Lithuania (23/100) ranked second though with much worse results and third, respectively. In fact, Hungary obtained the worst results as it failed to fulfil the criterion on price stability in all of the months. Romania and Bulgaria were countries of bad performance, too20. A better situation was observed for the interest rate criterion. However, the countries with a derogation complied with this criterion in a varied manner. The level of reference value was stable until the end of 2009, which means that most of these countries met the criterion. The exception was Hungary which by April 2010 never fulfilled this criterion and temporarily Poland and Romania. Since April 2010, there were more dynamic changes in the reference value. Consequently, there were frequent changes in the fulfilment of interest rate criterion. They resulted from both the growing diversity of long-term interest rates in the European Union, which led to a change in the perception of risk associated with particular countries and the frequent changes in the composition of the reference group, which, in turn, caused a stronger variation of inflation in the EU following the intensification of the crisis21. Additionally, the countries of Central and Eastern Europe could not easily meet the criteria of interest rate and inflation rate because of the arbitrary determination of the composition of the reference group. Actually, the European Commission took quite a flexible approach, giving different arguments for including or excluding the country into/ from the reference group. As a result, there was a significant change in the reference value, which could mean that they could be included into the reference group of countries with deflation if the CEE countries failed to meet the criteria; otherwise, they could meet the criterion. This is illustrated in Figure 4 which shows the evolution of the reference value depending on the composition of the reference group22. 20 Since its accession to the EU, Romania fulfilled this criterion only in 2 out of 68 months analysed (January 2007 – August 2012). 21 See: Monitor Konwergencji Nominalnej w UE 27 [Official Journal for the Nominal Convergence in the UE-27], Ministerstwo Finansów, Departament Polityki Finansowej, Analiz i Statystyki [Polish Ministry of Finance, Department for Financial Policy, Analyses, and Statistics], 2011, No. 10, p. 1. 22 As this problem, however important, is not of the main interest in the paper, it will not be described in detail. More on this see, e.g. M. Ochrymiuk, A. Rogut, Konwergencja... [Convergence...] and convergence reports by the Commission and ECB. Nominal Convergence Criteria 73 Figure 4. Reference value for price stability, May 2004 – August 2012, in % Source: Author’s own elaboration based on Eurostat Database. HICP monthly data (12-month average rate of change) [prc_hicp_mv12r]. Date of access: 2012/10/10. A stable participation of the currency of the country with a derogation in the exchange rate mechanism of the European Monetary System (ERM II) is the last monetary criterion to be analysed. As of October 2012, out of the seven countries studied, only two of them, i.e. Lithuania and Latvia participated in ERM II. Therefore, only these countries managed to meet the criterion in respect of the normal fluctuation margins rates. Firstly, these countries formally participated in the stabilisation mechanism and secondly, there was no central exchange rate devaluation of the currencies of the ERM II mechanism in the two previous years. As for the other countries, the currency of Bulgaria, i.e. the Bulgarian Lev, did not participate in the ERM II but it was linked to the euro under a currency board arrangement23. The remained countries pursued different types of policies, which brought about fluctuations of their currencies. Some of them like Poland and the Czech Republic implemented inflation targeting strategies combined with the floating 23 Bulgaria introduced its currency board arrangement on 1 July 1997, pegging the Bulgarian Lev to the German mark and subsequently to the euro. See: Convergence Report 2010, European Economy, No. 3/2010, European Communities 2012, p. 55. 74 Paweł Pasierbiak exchange rate. In 2001, Hungary took a unilateral decision about tying its currency exchange rate to the euro, or a unilateral peg of the forint to the euro, but in February 2008, it moved back to a floating exchange rate regime with a +/-15% fluctuating bond24. The data in Table 1 indicate that the exchange rates of individual countries with a derogation showed relatively significant fluctuations against the euro except Lithuania, Latvia and Bulgaria. The exchange rates were particularly strong for the Polish zloty with a depreciation by 23.2% in 2009, Romania – depreciation by 10.4% and 15.1% in 20082009, and Hungary – depreciation by 11.5% in 2009. Uncertainty on the international financial markets, adverse economic growth forecasts, increased risk aversion, and investors’ concerns about vulnerability to external threats were the main reasons for the weakening of currencies in the countries listed. Improving sentiment in the international financial markets in the second half of 2010 and in early 2011, a relatively high rate of economic growth and fairly large positive interest rate differentials vis-à-vis euro area assets caused that the currencies of the countries with a derogation appreciated gradually against the euro25. The second half of 2011 was unfavourable due to the return of some tensions in the sovereign debt markets in the euro area. The value of the currencies of countries using the inflation targeting monetary regime dropped. Conclusions The analysis of the changes that occurred while complying with the nominal convergence criteria by the new EU members from Central and Eastern Europe provides a basis for formulating some conclusions. In the initial period, 2004-2007, there was an increasing convergence of countries in relation to the majority of the nominal criteria. On the other hand, certain greater variation was noticed since the beginning of the 2008 crisis. The long-term stability of the interest rate was the criterion mostly satisfied. The countries with a derogation are recognised by their highly variable compliance of the Maastricht criteria. Therefore, most of the countries have failed to achieve the durability of fulfilment of the criteria 24 ECB Convergence Report 2012, Frankfurt am Main, May 2012, p. 18. 25 ECB Convergence Report 2012..., p. 41. 75 Nominal Convergence Criteria Table 3. Fulfilment of the convergence criteria by the countries of Central and Eastern Europe with a derogation (as of March 2012) Specification Price stability General budgetary position Long-term interest rate ERM II Bulgaria Yes Yes* Yes No Czech Republic No No Yes No Hungary No No No No Latvia No No Yes Yes Lithuania No No Yes Yes Poland No No Yes No Romania No No No No * Council decision abrogating the decision on the existence of an excessive deficit was taken on June 22, 2012. See: Official Journal of the European Union, L 179/19, July 11, 2012. Source: Author’s own elaboration based on Convergence Report 2012, European Economy, 2012, No. 3, European Communities 2012, pp. 6-24. which must be an inherent feature of economies. Table 3 illustrates this issue well. Thus, at present, none of the countries can adopt the euro. Many countries need permanently adjust their economic policies because of numerous factors that affect the level of their economic convergence. The most important factors should include26: 1) high public or private indebtedness, especially in connection to a relatively high level of external debt, which makes economies vulnerable to contagion from stress in financial markets; 2) wage growth and productivity fostering to support competitiveness of countries; 3) many countries need to tackle skill mismatches and encourage labour market participation, e.g. in an export sector to support their strong, balanced and sustainable growth; 4) in most countries, improvements in their business environment and measures to strengthen their governance as well as to enhance the quality of their institutions are required to support their better and sustainable output growth and make their economies more resilient to country-specific shocks; 5) as for the financial sector, the banking sector and the risks related to its exposure to other countries, and relatively 26 Ibidem, p. 36. 76 Paweł Pasierbiak high foreign currency lending need to be monitored; also, funding markets in local currency, especially at longer maturities should be developed; 6) the ability to achieve and maintain price stability on a lasting basis under conditions of stable exchange rates vis-à-vis the euro remains crucial for the assessment of sustainable economic convergence; 7) sustainable policy adjustments are indispensable to avoid any new build-up of macroeconomic imbalances; 8) the projected demographic changes are expected to be rapid and substantial in nature. These factors are critical for the process of achieving economic convergence by the countries. Therefore, these issues should be the priority areas in economic policy in the candidate countries. One should also bear in mind, however, that the nominal convergence is accompanied by real convergence. Some of the CEE countries show faster progress in real convergence, which is not yet confirmed by the achievement of nominal one27. Bibliography Convergence Report 2010, European Economy, No. 3/2010, European Communities 2012. Convergence Report 2012, European Economy, No. 3/2012, European Communities 2012. Convergence Report. December 2006, European Economy, No. 1/2006, European Communities 2007. ECB Convergence Report 2006, Frankfurt am Main, December 2006. ECB Convergence Report 2008, Frankfurt am Main, May 2008. ECB Convergence Report 2010, Frankfurt am Main, May 2010. ECB Convergence Report 2012, Frankfurt am Main, May 2012. Eurostat Database. General government gross debt [tsdde410]. Date of access: 2012/10/27. Eurostat Database. Government deficit/surplus, debt and associated data [gov_dd_edpt1]. Date of access: 2012/10/27. Eurostat Database. HICP monthly data (12-month average rate of change) [prc_hicp_mv12r] and EMU convergence criterion series – monthly data [irt_lt_mcby_m]. Date of access: 2012/10/10. 27 M.J. Rinaldi-Larribe, Is Economic Convergence in New Member States Sufficient for an Adoption of the Euro?, The European Journal of Comparative Economics, Vol. 5, No. 2, p. 282. Nominal Convergence Criteria Kierzenkowski R., Preparing for Euro Adoption in Poland, OECD Economic Department Working Papers, No. 790, ECO/WKP (2010) 46, Paris, July 15, 2010. Ładyka S., Z teorii integracji europejskiej [From the Theory of European Integration], Katedra Integracji Europejskiej im. J. Monneta, Warszawa: Kolegium Gospodarki Światowej SGH, 2001. Monitor Konwergencji Nominalnej w UE 27 [Official Journal for the Nominal Convergence in the UE-27], Ministerstwo Finansów, Departament Polityki Finansowej, Analiz i Statystyki [Polish Ministry of Finance, Department for Financial Policy, Analyses, and Statistics], 2011, No. 10. Mucha-Leszko B., Strefa euro. Wprowadzenie, funkcjonowanie, międzynarodowa rola euro [Eurozone. Introduction, Functioning, and International Role of the Euro], Lublin: Wydawnictwo UMCS, 2007. Ochrymiuk M., Rogut A., Konwergencja nominalna w strefie euro. Implikacje dla Polski [Nominal Convergence in the Eurozone. Implications for Poland], Warszawa: Wydawnictwo NBP, July 2010. Official Journal of the European Union, C 83/47, March 20, 2010. Official Journal of the European Union, L 179/19, July 11, 2012. Raport o konwergencji. Maj 2012 [Report on Convergence. May 2012], Europejski Bank Centralny [European Central Bank], Frankfurt am Main 2012. Rinaldi-Larribe M.J., Is Economic Convergence in New Member States Sufficient for an Adoption of the Euro?, The European Journal of Comparative Economics, Vol. 5, No. 2. Tchorek G., Teoretyczne podstawy integracji walutowej [Theoretical Fundamentals for Currency Integration], [in:] P. Kowalewski, G. Tchorek (eds.), Mechanizmy funkcjonowania strefy euro [Mechanisms for Functioning the Eurozone], Warszawa: Wydawnictwo NBP, 2010. Triandafil C.M., The Analysis of the Convergence Criteria. Empirical Perspective in the Context of the Sustainable Character Highlight, National Institute of Economic Research, Working Papers, No. 111205, Bucharest 2011. 77 Bartosz Jóźwik Economic convergence in the regions of the European Union Member States of Central and Eastern Europe Abstract: This paper is an attempt to answer the question of whether economic convergence occurs across the regions of the Central and Eastern European EU Member States. Here, convergence is analysed in terms of sigma convergence and absolute beta convergence and the calculations are based on the Eurostat database for 1995-2009. This study shows that the diversification of regional GDPs per capita across the Central and Eastern European EU Member States is, unfortunately, increasing over the period. However, the calculations on the regional convergence across this group of states show that convergence is proceeding, which may hide growing divergence among these countries. Keywords: beta convergence, sigma convergence, Central and Eastern Europe Introduction The Central and Eastern European EU Member States are interested in economic convergence because the EU cohesion policy is being implemented in this region in the 2007-2013 financial perspective. Economic convergence is interesting and significant in practical terms, especially for a regional policy as these countries have been covered by the Convergence objective which is to speed up the elimination of developmental discrepancies in the least developed EU Member States and regions. The priorities of the cohesion policy are specified in the 80 Bartosz Jóźwik Communication of the European Commission Cohesion Policy in Support of Growth and Jobs: Community Strategic Guidelines, 2007-20131. The criteria of financial support for individual states (under the Cohesion Fund) and regions (under the Structural Funds) are specified in the Council Regulation (EC) no. 1083/2006 of 11 July 2006 laying down general provisions on the European Regional Development Fund, the European Social Fund and the Cohesion Fund and repealing Regulation (EC) no. 1260/1999. Qualified for funding from the Structural Funds under the Convergence objective, the regions of the Central and Eastern European EU Member States have their per capita gross domestic product (GDP) measured at purchasing power parity and calculated using the data for 2000-2002, less than 75% of the average GDP of the EU-25 in the same reference period2. Economic convergence in the regions of the European Union East and Central Member States is implemented by improving conditions for their growth and employment, especially increasing investment in physical and human capital, developing innovation and knowledgebased society, improving their adaptability to economic and social change, protecting and improving the environment, and enhancing the efficiency of their administration3. More generally, economic convergence in the EU countries and regions can be considered as nominal convergence and real convergence. The criteria to assess nominal convergence include price stability, long-term interest rates, fiscal aspects, and exchange rate stability. Nominal convergence may gradually lead to real convergence by, e.g. the benefits from macroeconomic stability, a reduced risk of exchange rate or reduced uncertainty about inflation and (long-term) interest rates4, while real convergence will result in convergent economic variables like production, income, income per capita or unemployment. Income per capita (GDP per capita) is examined in terms of convergence due to the research objective adopted here. 1 2 3 4 COM (2005) 0299. Art. 5, Council Regulation (EC) no. 1083/2006 of 11 July 2006 laying down general provisions on the European Regional Development Fund, the European Social Fund and the Cohesion Fund and repealing Regulation (EC), no. 1260/1999. H. Jahns (ed.), Komentarz do aktów prawnych Wspólnot Europejskich w zakresie funduszy strukturalnych i funduszu spójności na lata 2007−2013, Ministerstwo Rozwoju Regionalnego [Commentary on the legislation of the European Communities as to the Structural Funds and the Cohesion Fund for 2007-2013, Ministry of Regional Development], Warszawa 2006, p. 23. E. Marelli, Specialisation and Convergence of European Regions, The European Journal of Comparative Economics, Vol. 4, No. 2, p. 151. Economic convergence in the regions of the European Union Member States... Principally, the paper attempts to answer the question whether economic convergence occurs across the Central and Eastern European EU Member States. This research objective will be reached by studying in detail the following issues: are poorer regions across the Central and Eastern European EU Member States tending to develop faster than richer regions, which regions have their GDP per capita the most significantly increased, how has the change in GDP per capita in these regions impacted economic convergence in the Central and Eastern European EU Member States, how has the change in GDP per capita in these regions impacted the economic convergence in each of the Central and Eastern European EU Member States. The literature review has enabled formulating the following research hypothesis that refers to the neoclassical model of economic growth: poorer regions across the Central and Eastern European EU Member States tend to grow faster than richer regions, which leads to income convergence. The paper reviews several recent examinations on economic convergence, mostly on convergence in the EU Member States, relative to this research hypothesis. Further, the paper describes the main methods adopted here to calculate convergence: sigma convergence and beta convergence. These are two most common in economic literature methods to measure income convergence. The third part of the paper examines how GDP per capita was developing in the regions of the Central and Eastern European EU Member States, its magnitude and dynamics in 1995-2009. Then, the research hypothesis is verified by calculations and the examination results on the per capita GDP convergence in the regions of the Central and Eastern European EU Member States are provided. The summary includes the conclusions from the study. 1. Previous studies on the economic convergence across the regions Numerous researchers have studied economic convergence across regions of different countries and economic groupings. They were inspired by the previous works on convergence in countries by, e.g. W.J. Baumola (1986), J.B. De Long (1988), N.G. Mankiw, D. Romer and D.N. Weil (1992). In the 1990s, convergence in the regions (NUTS 2 level) of old EU Member States was examined by, e.g. H. Armstrong (1995) 81 82 Bartosz Jóźwik and D. Neven. C. Gouyette (1995)5. Simultaneously, economic convergence in the regions of the USA, Japan and Canada was studied by, e.g. R.J. Barro and X. Sala-i-Martin6. A. Spilimbergo and N. Xingyuan Che (2012) published their contemporary extensive results on economic convergence in 32 different countries in the world, including regions in the European Union, USA, and China7. The authors attempted to prove that structural reforms influence the pace of economic convergence. Their results show that the development of the financial market, liberalisation of trade, quality of an institutional infrastructure and labour market reforms can influence convergence although this impact is unclear for border regions. Interestingly, countries with higher inflation tend to show faster economic convergence. The study of economic convergence across the regions of the European Union Member States can be applied to assess how much the EU cohesion policy is implemented, even if this kind of study is not carried out for this purpose. This challenge was taken on by R. Esposti and S. Bussoletti (2008) in their paper published in 2008. They applied the method of conditional beta convergence to examine how the regions of the European Union are impacted by Objective 1 of the Structural Funds8. The analysed data referred to 206 regions of the EU-15 before 2004, i.e. 1989-2000. They claimed that convergence occurred across these regions and was impacted by implementing Objective 1. H. Eckey, Ch. Dreger, M. Turck (2009) achieved similar results in their research into the convergence across the EU-23 with 233 NUTS 2 regions in 19952003. They said that there is the process of economic convergence between the regions studied and predict that it may be accelerated by the regions in the new EU Member States9. Ph. Monford thoroughly investigated economic convergence in the regions of the European Union (2009). He fully examined the dispersion of a relationship between economic growth and per capita GDP 5 6 7 8 9 D. Neven, C. Gouyette, Regional convergence in the European Community, Journal of Common Market Studies, 1995, Vol. 33 (1). R. Martin, P. Sunley, Slow Convergence? The New Endogenous Growth Theory and Regional Development, Economic Geography, Vol. 74, July 1998, No. 3, p. 205. A. Spilimbergo, N. Xingyuan Che, Structural Reforms and Regional Convergence, IMF Working Paper, WP/12/106, International Monetary Fund 2012, p. 26. R. Esposti, S. Bussoletti, Impact of Objective 1 Funds on Regional Growth Convergence in the European Union: A Panel-data Approach, Regional Studies, Vol. 42, March 2008, Issue 2, p. 170. H. Eckey, Ch. Dreger, M. Türck, Regional convergence in the enlarged European Union, Applied Economics Letters, Vol. 16, 2009, Issue 18, p. 1806. Economic convergence in the regions of the European Union Member States... across these regions. His results indicate that convergence occurs in the regions of both the EU-27 and EU-15. He also points out that it is groundless to claim that divergence will occur in the regions of the new EU Member States (EU-12) although he says that several indicators show deepening disproportions. This phenomenon results from the very rapid growth of few metropolitan regions with capital cities and those with major urban centers as well as the exclusion of the poorest (peripheral) regions from the process of rapid growth10. G. Petrakos, P. Artelaris (2009), who studied regional convergence in the EU Member States in 1990-2000, drew different conclusions11. They claim that opening the markets as a result of the European economic integration, and thus the intensification of competition there can lead to greater internal disparities in development. The authors stress that their results are consistent with the predictions based on the analysis of models developed in accordance with the New Economic Geography and the theory of endogenous economic growth. They also refer to the studies by many scholars who claim that economic convergence in the EU may hide emerging disparities across a given country. For example, Ph. Martin (2005) concluded that European integration leads to the convergence between the Member States but not between regions inside countries12. Therefore, G. Petrakos and P. Artelaris emphasise the role of regional policy in the current financial period and regard it as one of the most important policies of the European Union in the predictable future. They also provide intriguing comparisons and resultant conclusions about the methods to calculate absolute beta convergence. M. Smętkowski and P. Wójcik (2008)13 arrived at similar conclusions in their study on regional convergence across the Central and Eastern European EU Member States. Having regard to the polarisation of developmental processes at a regional level, which mostly refers just to the new EU Member States, they examined the processes of regional devel- 10 Ph. Monford, Regional Convergence. Growth and Interpersonal Inequalities across the EU, Working Paper, Directorate General Regional Policy, European Commission, January 2009, p. 39. 11 G. Petrakos, P. Artelaris, European Regional Convergence Revisited: A Weighted Least Squares Approach, Growth & Change, Vol. 40, June 2009, No. 2, p. 327. 12 P. Martin, The geography of inequalities in Europe, Swedish Economic Policy Review, 2005, Vol. 12, p. 83. 13 M. Smętkowski, P. Wójcik, Regiony w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej: tendencje i czynniki rozwojowe [Regions in Central and Eastern Europe: Trends and Growth Factors], Warszawa: Centrum Europejskich Studiów Regionalnych i Lokalnych Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego, 2008. 83 84 Bartosz Jóźwik opment, excluding metropolitan regions, or using data aggregated at the level of NUTS 3. Their study of the convergence in 1998-2005 measured by GDP per capita employs, e.g. the method of beta convergence and sigma convergence. They state that the examined area can feature rather weak regional convergence and the polarisation of developmental processes tended to be insignificant in most of the countries although it was quite stable in the smaller countries. A key factor in economic growth was a rise in labour productivity, especially in industry and market services. E. Łaźniewska, T. Górecki and R. Chmielewski (2011) comprehensively studied regional development across the Central and Eastern European EU Member States, Cyprus, and Malta. Their analyses indicate that, e.g. convergence occurred in the area examined but it was accompanied by a higher variance of GDP per capita, i.e. the scope between the regions with the lowest and highest per capita GDP. Moreover, the disparities between GDP per capita increased in all of the countries studied, which may result from the phenomenon frequent in the early stages of economic development at a national level when several major regions drive the process of catching-up as a result of strong agglomeration effects14. These results do not refer to the economic convergence in 2007-2009 so the period when the economic crisis impacted economic development in countries and regions. Based on the latest evolution of GDP per capita, the examination here refers to this phenomenon. These methods of analysing convergence will be discussed in the next section. 2. The method to analyse convergence The two most common in the literature methods to study convergence: sigma convergence and beta convergence have been adopted to verify the research hypothesis. X. Sala-i-Martin introduced first this terminology in his paper in 199015. The criteria of sigma economic convergence are verified by measuring the real dispersion of GDP per capita. Sigma economic convergence occurs across a group of countries where 14 E. Łaźniewska, T. Górecki, R. Chmielewski, Konwergencja regionalna [Regional Convergence], Poznań: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Ekonomicznego w Poznaniu, 2011, p. 2004. 15 X. Sala-i-Martin, 1990. Economic convergence in the regions of the European Union Member States... the dispersion of their real GDP per capita is reduced in the time interval investigated. Dispersion is measured by the standard deviation (or variance) of the natural log of per capita GDP, and the dispersion of per capita GDP across a given group of countries is commonly calculated by the standard deviation16. Hence, sigma convergence is discussed when the standard deviation of the natural log of per capita GDP across a given group of countries shows a declining trend over time, which is17: σ(t+T) < σt (1) where: σ(t+T) – standard deviation of the natural log of GDP per capita across a group of economies in the last year of examination, σt – standard deviation of the natural log of GDP per capita across a group of economies in the first year of examination. The standard deviation of the natural log of per capita GDP across a given group of countries over an examined year is calculated as: (2) To prove a developing trend of the standard deviation of the natural log of GDP per capita, the following linear trend equation is followed18: σt = φ0+ φ1t (3) where: σt – standard deviation of the natural log of GDP per capita among economies in year, t – time (t=1, 2, …). It is a linear function so its parameters are estimated by the classical method of least squares. This method can generate such parameter assessments at which the theoretical values of a linear trend show the least deviation from the real values of the standard deviation of the nat- 16 K. Malaga, Konwergencja gospodarcza w krajach OECD w świetle zagregowanych modeli wzrostu [Economic Convergence in the OECD Member Countries under Aggregated Models of Growth], Poznań: Wydawnictwo Akademii Ekonomicznej w Poznaniu, 2004, p. 170. 17 X. Sala-i-Martin, The Classical Approach to Convergence Analysis, Economics Working Paper, 117 (1995), p. 3. 18 M. Próchniak and R. Rapacki apply this method. Konwergencja beta i sigma w krajach postsocjalistycznych w latach 1990-2005 [Beta and Sigma Convergence in the Post-Socialist Countries in 1990-2005], Bank i Kredyt, 2007, No. 8-9, p. 44. 85 86 Bartosz Jóźwik ural logarithm of per capita GDP among economies in a given period. Sigma convergence occurs when parameteris a negative number. Nevertheless, M. Próchniak and R. Rapacki (2007) point out that the method of a linear trend is not the best one to verify sigma convergence. First, discrepancies between levels of income can vary non-linearly. Second, this method does not enable reading the partial dynamics of varied income over each year. Thus, they suggest that the occurrence of sigma convergence be verified by analysing trends in the standard deviation of GDP per capita following the visual evaluation of the empirical point spread19. Convergence can be determined by the other method known as absolute beta convergence20. It stems from the 1950s and 1960s neoclassical theory of growth of which basic principle is the decreasing marginal productivity of capital per capita and the exogenous nature of technological progress21. Absolute beta convergence occurs when poor economies grow faster than rich ones. If the value of GDP per capita is assumed to reflect the level of economic development, countries (or regions) with a lower GDP per capita should have a faster rate of growth than economies (or regions) with a higher level of GDP per capita. There are at least three reasons for such convergence. Firstly, the development of any economy tend to converge with the path to sustainable growth, known as steady-state, so poorer economies can be expected to approach richer ones. Secondly, the rate of growth on capital is slower in economies with higher capital per worker, which can stimulate capital flow from rich to poor economies, and thus favours convergence among countries. Finally, the spread of knowledge and technology is delayed, which arises income discrepancies because there will be always countries that do not still apply the best solutions. These discrepancies may disappear as soon as poorer countries gain access to up-to-date knowledge and technology22. Consequently, there are certain phenomena typical of the well-known in the literature process of imitation23. 19 Ibidem. 20 The literature distinguishes two types of beta convergence: unconditional (absolute) and conditional. The calculation in this paper employs absolute convergence only. 21 W. Nowak, Konwergencja w modelach endogenicznego wzrostu gospodarczego [Convergence under the Models of Endogenic Economic Growth], Wrocław: Wydawnictwo Kolonia, 2007, p. 68. 22 D. Romer, Makroekonomia dla zaawansowanych [Advance Macroeconomics], Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN, 2000, p. 44. 23 K. Kopczewska, Renta geograficzna a rozwój społeczno-gospodarczy [Geographic Location and Socio-Economic Development], Warszawa: CeDeWu Sp. z o.o., 2008, p. 16. Economic convergence in the regions of the European Union Member States... In order to evaluate if absolute beta-convergence occurs, the relationship between the growth rate of GDP per capita of the studied economies (regions) and the level of their development calculated by GDP per capita needs to be specified. The growth rate of GDP per capita in the ith economy in years t – t+T is specified from the formula (4): , (4) where: γi,t,t+T – logarithm for the growth rate of GDP per capita in the ith economy in years t – t+T, γi,t – GDP per capita in the ith economy in the first year, γi,t+T – GDP per capita in the ith economy in the last year, t – first year of the examination, t + T – last year of the examination. The regression equation is applied to evaluate parameters24: γi,t,t+T = α0 + α1ln(yi,t) + εi,t (5) which enables verifying the hypothesis about the occurrence of absolute beta convergence. Absolute beta convergence will occur if parameter is a negative number, which means a higher growth rate of GDP per capita in economies (regions) with a lower GDP per capita in an initial stage than in economies (regions) with higher GDP per capita in an initial stage. The following section of the paper analyses the development of GDP per capita based on the methods discussed previously. 3. The level of income and economic growth in the Central and Eastern European EU Member States The value and dynamics of GDP per capita development across each regions of the Central and Eastern European EU Member States was initially studied before verifying the economic convergence hypothesis. The Eurostat data on GDP per capita at market prices in the Euro for NUTS 2 regions for 1995-2009 is employed for this analysis. Conver- 24 X. Sala-i-Martin, The Classical Approach to Convergence Analysis, Economics Working Paper 117, 1995, p. 3. 87 88 Bartosz Jóźwik gence in the regions of the Central and Eastern European EU Member States was examined for Bulgaria (composed of 6 NUTS 2 regions), Czech Republic (8 regions), Estonia (1 region), Latvia (1 region), Lithuania (1 region), Poland (16 regions), Romania (8 regions), Slovenia (2 regions), and Slovakia (4 regions). The seven Hungarian regions were not studied for no comparable data on GDP per capita. Table 1 shows the GDP per capita for each of the regions related to the EU average for 27 countries in 1995 and 2009. The level of income in the regions of the Central and eastern European EU Member States is one of the lowest in the European Union. Comparing the data can answer the question whether poorer regions tend to grow faster than richer regions. Although the results of this examination are not unambiguous, among the poorest regions in 1995, there are the regions of the highest annual average growth of GDP per capita, e.g. Romanian regions of Sud-Muntenia, Nord-Vest, Centru and Vest. On the other hand, among the richest regions in 1995, there are the regions of the slowest annual average growth of GDP per capita: Zahodna Slovenija, Vzhodna Slovenija, Czech Republic regions of Severozápad, Jihozápad and Severovýchod. Not all of the poor regions featured a relatively high economic growth, e.g. Bulgarian regions of Severozapaden, Severen Tsentralen and Severoiztochen. Similarly, not all of the rich regions featured a relatively slow economic growth. The most significant growth in GDP per capita in 1995-2009 was recorded for: Bratislavský kraj (Slovakia) and Praha (Czech Republic). The regions of Bucuresti – Ilfov (Romania), Mazowieckie (Poland), and Eesti (Estonia) rank lower. Capital cities are situated in all of these regions. The growing diversity of regional GDP per capita inside countries, which brings on an extra challenge for the government is another issue discussed by, e.g. E. Łaźniewska, T. Górecki and R. Chmielewski. For example, the discrepancy between the Slovakian richest and poorest region in terms of GDP per capita amounted to € 3,900 in 1995 and already € 20,600 in 2009. Similar considerable discrepancies, i.e. € 3,600 in 1995 and € 1,440 were recorded for the Czech Republic25. It is worth pointing out that this discrepancy has increased in all of these countries. The next section of this paper attempts to answer the question whether the growing discrepancy in regional GDP per capita in each 25 Author’s own elaboration based on the Eurostat database. Economic convergence in the regions of the European Union Member States... Table 1. GDP per capita in the individual regions of the Central and Eastern European EU Member States in 1995 and 2009 and the annual average growth of GDP per capita in 1995-2009. Region GDP per capita related to the EU27 in 1995 GDP per capita related to the EU-27 in 2009 Average annual growth of GDP per capita in 1996-2009 Severozapaden (BG) 7.5 12.3 8.4 Severen Tsentralen (BG) 7.5 13.2 8.6 Severoiztochen (BG) 8.8 15.7 8.7 Yugoiztochen (BG) 7.5 16.2 10.2 Yugozapaden (BG) 10.2 33.6 13.1 Yuzhen Tsentralen (BG) 6.8 13.6 9.2 Praha (CZ) 49.0 122.6 10.7 Strední Cechy (CZ) 25.9 51.5 8.9 Jihozápad (CZ) 27.9 49.4 7.9 Severozápad (CZ) 27.9 46.8 7.5 Severovýchod (CZ) 26.5 46.4 7.9 Jihovýchod (CZ) 26.5 51.9 8.7 Strední Morava (CZ) 24.5 46.0 8.4 Moravskoslezsko (CZ) 25.9 47.2 8.3 Eesti (EE) 13.6 43.8 12.9 Latvija (LV) 10.2 34.9 13.6 Lithuania (LT) 9.5 34.0 14.0 Łódzkie (PL) 17.0 31.5 8.6 Mazowieckie (PL) 24.5 55.3 10.2 Małopolskie (PL) 16.3 29.8 8.4 Śląskie (PL) 22.4 37.0 7.6 Lubelskie (PL) 15.0 23.4 7.3 Podkarpackie (PL) 14.3 23.8 7.8 Świętokrzyskie (PL) 15.0 26.8 8.3 Podlaskie (PL) 14.3 25.5 8.4 Wielkopolskie (PL) 18.4 36.6 9.1 Zachodniopomorskie (PL) 19.7 30.2 7.2 89 90 Bartosz Jóźwik Region GDP per capita related to the EU27 in 1995 GDP per capita related to the EU-27 in 2009 Average annual growth of GDP per capita in 1996-2009 Lubuskie (PL) 18.4 29.4 7.5 Dolnośląskie (PL) 19.7 37.9 8.8 Opolskie (PL) 18.4 28.1 7.2 Kujawsko-Pomorskie (PL) 19.0 29.4 7.2 Warmińsko-Mazurskie (PL) 15.0 25.5 7.9 Pomorskie (PL) 19.0 33.6 8.1 Nord-Vest (RO) 8.2 21.3 11.6 Centru (RO) 8.8 22.6 11.4 Nord-Est (RO) 6.8 14.5 9.8 Sud-Est (RO) 8.8 18.7 9.8 Sud - Muntenia (RO) 8.2 20.0 11.1 Bucuresti - Ilfov (RO) 12.2 55.3 16.5 Sud-Vest Oltenia (RO) 7.5 17.9 10.8 Vest (RO) 8.8 25.5 12.3 Vzhodna Slovenija (SI) 46.3 60.4 5.5 Zahodna Slovenija (SI) 65.3 88.1 5.7 Bratislavský kraj (SK) 40.8 120.9 12.0 Západné Slovensko (SK) 18.4 46.4 10.8 Stredné Slovensko (SK) 15.6 39.6 10.8 Východné Slovensko (SK) 14.3 33.2 10.1 Source: Author’s own elaboration based on the Eurostat database. Economic convergence in the regions of the European Union Member States... Central and Eastern European EU Member State is accompanied by income convergence in the entire area examined. 4. Sigma and beta convergences in the regions of the Central and Eastern EU Member States To verify the convergence hypothesis, this section of the paper deals with the calculations in accordance with the two previously discussed methods. Since general regularity for the occurrence of convergence are important in this study only, any individual effects typical of individual regions and individual effects in time for particular years of the examination are not calculated. The first of the methods to measure convergence, i.e. sigma convergence known as standard deviation illustrates some long-term trends in the degree of discrepancy in wealth or income across a group of countries (regions). Figure 1 shows the standard deviation of natural log of GDP per capita among the regions in the nine Central and Eastern EU Member States (no data for the Bulgarian regions) in 1995-2009. The estimated parameter of the equation of a linear trend (-0.0074 at a degree of adjustment 0.68) proves a trend of a decreasing value of standard deviation in this period, or a decreasing discrepancy in GDP per capita across a group of regions, which proves the convergence hypothesis, i.e. sigma convergence. The detailed analysis of the standard deviation in this period, however, focuses on growing values of the standard deviation in 2007-2009, which follows the suggestion by M. Próchniak and R. Rapacki to evaluate the occurrence of sigma convergence by analysing the directions of changes in standard deviation of GDP per capita by means of the visual evaluation of the empirical point spread. Over these years, and thus in the economic crisis, there was clear divergence between these regions. Interestingly, a similar phenomenon of divergence between these regions followed the collapse of the 2000 economic boom. One should remember that despite the long-term diversity of regional GDP per capita among the Central and Eastern European EU Member was decreasing, convergence in the regions in each state proceeded differently. Figure 2 shows the standard deviation of the natural log of regional GDP per capita in the six Central and eastern European EU Member States in 1995-2009. This analysis does not refer to Estonia, Lithuania and Latvia as they are composed of one region only and Hungary due to no data available. Unfortunately, the regional discrepancy in 91 92 Bartosz Jóźwik Figure 1. Regional sigma convergence factor for the Central and Eastern European EU Member States in 1995-2005 Source: Author’s own elaboration based on the Eurostat database. GDP per capita in these countries in this period tended to be increasing, which is indicated by the increasing standard deviation. Thus, it can be concluded that the regional convergence hypothesis in individual countries has been not confirmed. The present phenomenon of regional divergence in the individual Central and Central European EU Member State may accelerate the deepening process of European economic integration. The same happened in EEC/EU in 1990-2000. G. Pertakos and P. Artelaris (2009), mentioned previously, claimed that opening the market due to European economic integration, and thus increasing competition there may have led to greater internal discrepancies. It is worth emphasising again that their results were compatible with the predictions based on the analysed models which had been developed both in compliance with the New Economic Geography and the theory of endogenic economic growth. M. Smętkowski and P. Wójcik (2008) noticed a similar phenomenon, i.e. the polarisation of developmental processes. Economic convergence in the regions of the European Union Member States... Figure 2. Regional sigma convergence factors for the Central and Eastern European EU Member States in 1995-2009 Source: Author’s own elaboration based on the Eurostat database. Absolute beta convergence is the other of the methods to calculate convergence. The research into regional beta convergence for the 47 regions in the Central and Eastern European EU Member States is given in Figure 3 and Table 2. Figure 3 depicts the relationship between the average growth rate of GDP per capita for 1995-2009 in the regions studied and the level of their development in 1995 (as measured by GDP per capita). Table 2 shows the estimated parameters for beta convergence in ten time horizons: [1995-2009] ... [2004-2009]: regression function parameters α and β, values of tests of significance (tα and tβ) for α and 93 94 Bartosz Jóźwik Figure 3. Beta convergence for the 47 regions (NUTS 2) of the Central and Eastern European EU Members States in 1995-2009 Growth rate of GDP per capita in 1995-2009 0,14 0,13 0,12 0,11 0,1 0,09 0,08 0,07 0,06 y = -0.0117x + 0.1703 R² = 0.132 0,05 0,04 6,5 7 7,5 8 8,5 9 9,5 GDP per capita in the individual regions in 1995 (logarithmic scale) Source: Author’s own elaboration based on the Eurostat database. β, level of significance (pα and pβ) for α and β, and determination coefficient R2 (degree of adjustment). The results of the estimated parameters of absolute beta convergence for the 47 regions of the Central and Eastern European EU Members States enable the following conclusions. Firstly, a negative correlation between the growth rates of GDP per capita and the natural logarithms of GDP per capita at the initial stage (a negative value of parameter β) was noticed in all of the time horizons, which confirms the hypothesed higher growth rate of GDP per capita in regions with lower GDP per capita at the initial stage than in regions with a higher level of GDP per capita at the initial stage. Secondly, the results of the analysis depicted in Table 2 hardly confirm the occurrence of beta convergence. Although the regression line goes downwards for each period under study, determination coefficient R2 (degree of adjustment) is less than 35% and the parameter for the initial level of income (pβ) shows similarly low values. Finally, the degree of adjustment of absolute beta convergence models to the results obtained ranged from 9% to 35%. The trend to de- 95 Economic convergence in the regions of the European Union Member States... Table 2. Beta convergence regression for the 47 regions of the Central and Eastern European EU Members States α β tα tβ pα pβ R2 1995-2009 0.1703 -0.0117 4.8982 -2.6159 0.0000 0.0121 0.1320 1996-2009 0.2329 -0.0195 7.5821 -4.9757 0.0000 0.0000 0.3549 1997-2009 0.2241 -0.0184 6.6086 -4.3166 0.0000 0.0001 0.2928 1998-2009 0.1941 -0.0148 5.2473 -3.2313 0.0000 0.0023 0.1883 1999-2009 0.2445 -0.0202 6.1298 -4.0945 0.0000 0.0002 0.2714 2000-2009 0.2300 -0.0189 4.9888 -3.3732 0.0000 0.0015 0.2018 2001-2009 0.2453 -0.0210 4.5506 -3.2492 0.0000 0.0022 0.1900 2002-2009 0.2526 -0.0216 4.8875 -3.5108 0.0000 0.0010 0.2150 2003-2009 0.2109 -0.0156 4.5293 -2.8154 0.0000 0.0072 0.1498 2004-2009 0.1849 -0.0127 4.0604 -2.3709 0.0002 0.0221 0.0913 Period Source: Author’s own elaboration. crease the degree of adjustment and shortening a time/period horizon are clear. This trend will be very explicit if the adjustment factor for the longest period, i.e. 1995-2009 is not covered by the examination on the evolution of the values of adjustment factors for the ten time horizons specified in Table 2. With the shortening of the period covered by the analysis, the regions of the Central and Eastern European EU Member States were decreasingly following the beta convergence hypothesis. As said previously, this may come from greater opening the market as a result of closer European economic integration, and rising competition which may lead to greater internal discrepancies in economic development. On the other hand, this may be a static effect due to a decreasing number of observations so the quality of estimation will deteriorate. Conclusions This examination can answer the research question of whether convergence occurs in the Central and Eastern European EU Member States. The study of how regional GDP per capita was developing in this area in 1995-2009 indicate both sigma and beta convergence, and thus confirms the hypothesis formulated in the paper that poorer regions in the Central and Eastern European EU Member States tend to grow faster that 96 Bartosz Jóźwik richer regions, which leads to income convergence. However, not all of the regions behave according to the convergence hypothesis, or not of the poor regions develop faster than richer ones. The examination indicates that in 2001-2002 and 2007-2009, i.e. in the economic crises or just after them, there was divergence among these regions. These phenomena are intriguing and can be further studied. It needs to be emphasised that regional divergence in GDP per capita in the individual the Central and Eastern European EU Member States is, unfortunately, growing. This trend is confirmed by the growing standard deviation of the natural log of regional GDP per capita in each of the state. G. Petrakos and P. Artelaris (2009) also referred to the examinations by numerous researchers who prove that the economic convergence of the EU Member States may hide emerging internal discrepancies in each country. Nevertheless, Ph. Monford in his paper from 2009 pointed out that the regional divergence in given countries was then due to on the one hand the very rapid economic growth of few regions with national capitals and extensive urban centers as well as the exclusion from the process of rapid growth in the poorest regions. These results enable evaluating positively the implementation of an economic policy in the Central and Eastern European EU Member States, particularly the EU cohesion policy (cohesion) which is implemented in this region but not unconditionally, especially in terms of bridging the gap in the economic development of the poorest regions. It should be pointed out, however, that this study applies to economic convergence in the selected group of countries from all EU Member States only, and therefore it cannot be the basis for evaluating the efficiency of the cohesion policy in the entire economic group. However, these results can be used to assess the impact of the cohesion policy on a regional basis, i.e. the Central and Eastern European EU Member States, and while planning the 2014-2020 distribution of funds to regions. Undoubtedly, this study should be made more specific, e.g. by including regional specialisation (economic structure) or extending the scope of the parameters to test convergence, e.g. unemployment and labour productivity. Economic convergence in the regions of the European Union Member States... 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Sala-i-Martin X., The Classical Approach to Convergence Analysis, Economics Working Paper, 117 (1995). Smętkowski M., Wójcik P., Regiony w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej: tendencje i czynniki rozwojowe [Regions in Central and Eastern Europe: Trends and Growth Factors], Warszawa: Centrum Europejskich Studiów Regionalnych i Lokalnych Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego, 2008. Spilimbergo A., Xingyuan Che N., Structural Reforms and Regional Convergence, IMF Working Paper, WP/12/106, International Monetary Fund, 2012. Bożena Oleszko-Kurzyna Projected directions of the CAP Reform post 2013 and economic convergence in the European Union Abstract: The Common Agricultural Policy has been reformed considerably since its creation. All of the successive reforms have involved an increasing shift from strongly supported sectoral interventions towards market-oriented policies of sustainable rural development. The CAP scenario for 2014-2020 indicates that the past principles favouring unequal distribution of funds will continue to guide the distribution of assistance under the major CAP tool, i.e. direct subsidy payments. As a result, the new Member States will still receive less funding to implement the redefined CAP objectives while making up for the level of agricultural development. Also, modification of the system involves some additional administrative burden that can weaken the competitiveness of agriculture in the EU. Referring to these issues, this paper evaluates the future CAP for the significance of the proposed changes for economic convergence in the EU’s agricultural sector. 1 1 Keywords: Common Agricultural Policy after 2013, direct payment scheme, economic convergence in the EU agricultural sector The author regards economic convergence in an agricultural sector as any kind of activity to harmonise (approximate) the level of agricultural development across the European Union Member States. 100 Bożena Oleszko-Kurzyna Introduction The Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) is one of the oldest, most controversial and expensive European Union policies. Since its introduction 50 years ago, it has been reformed the most frequently. Originally, the CAP aimed at supporting agricultural production, which was determined by the situation in agriculture in the six countries – signatories of the Treaty as well as the insecure global agri-food market, or food shortage. The structural policy, including the development of rural areas whose functions are also non-productive and non-commercial, e.g. socio-cultural or environmental, was implemented to a very limited extent. Actually, the CAP and the EEC budget were definitely dominated by a commercial and price policy until the 1990s. For example, the share of the CAP expenses in the common budget was about 75% in 1985, including only a few percent for the structural policy, and at the end of the current financial perspective, it has been less than 40% to be presently 0.45% of GDP. As a sectoral policy, the CAP has turned out to be not only expensive due to increasing surplus and the resultant costs of intervention, but also controversial. In fact, this policy has been interfering with free global trade in agricultural products, has strained trade relations, has polarised farmers’ income, and most of all has proved to be inconvenient to the environment. These have been the reasons for its numerous reforms aiming at harmonising economic, social and environmental aspects of agricultural and rural development and achieve sustainable development. The CAP, therefore, has got two periods. The first one known as a pro-supply policy lasted until the early 1990s. The main focus was then on reforming agriculture and food self-sufficiency. The 1992 MacSharry Reform started the other period when a clearly pro-demand policy to support non-productive functions of agriculture was implemented. The MacSharry Reform was the first important reform to fundamentally change the philosophy of the CAP. Consequently, the objectives of the CAP were considerably changed to recognise social functions of agriculture, especially in terms of more equitable income redistribution in society, environmental protection, and rural development2. Since the MacSharry Reform, the EU’s agricultural policy has been changed to 2 B. Mucha-Leszko, Ewolucja wspólnej polityki rolnej UE – przesłanki i uwarunkowania zmian systemowych [The evolution of the Common Agricultural Policy – conditions and prerequisites for system changes], Annales UMCS, Sectio H, Vol. 38, 2004, p. 39. Projected directions of the CAP Reform post 2013 and economic convergence in the European Union protect less the market and reduce disorders in trade and agricultural markets. Its main objective has been to increase agricultural competitiveness. Simultaneously, more attention has been paid to environmental protection and landscape and cultural values of rural areas. This has resulted in compensatory payments paid to farmers (todays direct payments), which have gradually allowed for reducing institutional prices and creating internal and external demand for EU farm products, and also braking undesirably increased production without reducing the level of support given to the EU’s agricultural sector3. All of the successive reforms continue and deepen the ideas promoted by the MacSharry Reform (Agenda 2000, Luxembourg Agreement, 2003). The concept of the reformed CAP for the new 2014-2020 budget period is under preparation, which was preceded by the review of the CAP under the Health Check4 and the debate within the UE over this policy. On November 2010, the European Commission published its Communication The CAP towards 2020: Meeting the food, natural resources and territorial challenges of the future. This document announces a set of redefined objectives and challenges of the CAP. The said proposals and public debate brought about reforming the CAP by the European Commission in October 2011. The Common Agricultural Policy for 2014-2020 should be considered in terms of the following questions: are these changes a true reform of the CAP, are they actually responding to major future challenges faced by the EU’s agriculture, are they supporting real economic convergence in the EU’s agricultural sector. 3 4 J. Małysz, Reorientacja WPR – implikacje dla krajów kandydackich [Reorientation of the CAP – implications for the candidate countries], Wieś i Rolnictwo, 2010, No. 1. The 2008 Health Check of the Common Agricultural Policy was to assess the implementation of the EU’s agricultural policy and the development of rural areas in the EU as well as to indicate some new challenges in the areas of, e.g. climate change, increasing demand for biofuels or water deficit. The Health Check reviewed the implementation of the provisions of the 2003 Luxembourg CAP reform, especially those which were to simplify and improve of the efficiency of the system of direct payments and strengthen the EU’s rural development policy. Podsumowanie przeglądu WPR [Summary of the CAP Health Check], Ministerstwo Rolnictwa i Rozwoju Wsi [Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Development], Warszawa 2008. 101 102 Bożena Oleszko-Kurzyna 1. The CAP and the expectations of each group of the EU Member States While analysing the situation of the European Union Member States, one should remember that the EU-15 Member States have belonged to the EU structures since the early stage of EU’s existence, i.e. until the 1990s, and thus a period of reforming agriculture. The EU-12 Member States joined the EU when the CAP was more advanced, or when nonproductive functions of agriculture were of primary importance and reforming the EU’s agricultural sector was second in meaning. Actually, the agricultural sector in the countries with a command economy differed significantly from that in the EU-15 Member States. Thus, there was a different perspective and different expectations about a common agricultural policy. Additionally, a difficult economic situation of the agricultural sector in the years prior to accession needs to be regarded. In 2004, the new EU Member States were in a different economic and institutional environment, which required many adjustments while carrying out delayed agricultural modernisation and restructurisation5. Without denying the economic benefits achieved by the Member States after their accession to the EU, it should be noticed that agricultural modernisation and restructurisation are slow in many countries, e.g. in Poland6. Hence, the new financial perspective is expected to deal with this issue. The EU-12 Member States care about making the reformed CAP transparent and fair; otherwise the economic convergence in the EU agricultural sector will be hard to achieve. It should be emphasised that any reform of the CAP has got a multidimensional impact on a single farm in the Member States. It is not just about the magnitude of direct subsidies given to farmers, but also the conditions of agricultural production like production management, structure, intensity 5 6 The authorities in numerous countries of Eastern and Central Europe imposed collective farming. This type of agricultural production, however, was not adopted in Poland or Slovenia so farming there is still extensive. Poland faces overemployment in its farming, which is related with its extremely low productivity as compared with European standards as well as the problem of scattered farming land. One fifth of the total labour force in the EU refers to Polish agriculture (employment in agriculture amounts to 18% of the total employment). This overemployment reflects the gap in Poland’s GDP which could be bridged by the employed in Polish agriculture. More than 50% of Polish farms have their agricultural acreage up to 5 hectares. K. Pawlak, W. Poczta, Potencjał polskiego rolnictwa pięć lat po akcesji Polski do UE jako przesłanka jego konkurencyjności [The potential of Polish Agriculture after five years of Poland’s EU membership as a factor of its competitiveness], Wieś i Rolnictwo, 2010, No. 1. Projected directions of the CAP Reform post 2013 and economic convergence in the European Union or modernisation. Therefore, any changes in the CAP may stimulate or hinder structural transformation in agriculture, affecting also the structure of agricultural production7. The EU-12 Member States need substantial funds to carry out both their agricultural policy and cohesion policy. Any delays in agricultural and rural development cause that a number of countries regard the instruments included in the two pillars of the CAP, i.e. Pillar 1 involves the market policy, including direct payments whereas Pillar 2 refers to the structural policy. Thus, it is critical to maintain the current level of support and the balance between direct support, measures to modernise agriculture and to protect the environment. On the other hand, the countries with more developed agriculture and a better agrarian structure tend to increase the scope of rural policy at the expense of agricultural policy. The importance of the CAP for the EU-12 in the new 2014-2020 financial perspective can be studied in terms of: • financial benefits for agriculture, i.e. possible net financial benefits related to the EU budget, which is a narrow approach; • supporting the modernisation of agriculture and rural areas, i.e. area of modern economic growth, which is a broad approach. 2. Assumptions and objectives for the CAP Reform post-2013 – policy scenarios In November 2010, the European Commission issued its Communication The CAP towards 2020: Meeting the food, natural resources and territorial challenges of the future as a result of a public debate on the CAP’s future beyond 2013. The Communication opened a discussion on reforming the CAP which as the European Commission claims should become more balanced, better targeted, simpler as well as more effective in and responsive to the needs and expectations of the citizens of the European Union. Therefore, reforming the CAP should involve certain long- 7 J. Kulawik (ed.), Dopłaty bezpośrednie i dotacje budżetowe a finanse oraz funkcjonowanie gospodarstw i przedsiębiorstw rolniczych [Direct payments and governmental subsidies versus finance and the functioning of farms and agricultural enterprises], No. 20, Warszawa: IERiGŻ, Państwowy Instytut Badawczy, 2011, p. 9. 103 104 Bożena Oleszko-Kurzyna term strategic decisions about the future of the EU agriculture and rural development and lead to a more effective implementation of the Europe 2020 strategy. On 12th October 2011, the European Commission proposed the CAP reform, pointing to the same objectives and challenges for the CAP as in the 2010 Communication, though emphasising considerable simplification, higher flexibility between the pillars and more efficient solutions. The new objectives for the CAP are as follows: 1) viable food production – focusing on agricultural income, agricultural productivity, price stability, and the improved competitiveness of an agricultural sector; 2) sustainable management of natural resources and climate action – focusing on the effective management of natural resources to ensure high sustainability, in particular reducing greenhouse gas emissions, promoting biodiversity, protecting soil and water (to ensure the provision of the environmental public goods); 3) balanced territorial development – focusing on employment, promoting diversification, reducing poverty in rural areas. The reformed CAP needs to face many challenges like food security, sustainable development, improved competitiveness, strengthened social and territorial cohesion, equitable distribution of aid under the CAP, and thus reducing disparities between countries. The latter issue directly refers to the process of economic convergence in the EU agriculture sector. The European Commission has elaborated three scenarios for the CAP: 1) adjustment scenario – is largely a continuation of the current CAP while highlighting the need to reduce the inequitable distribution of direct payments under the current CAP. This scenario is doubted to sufficiently deal with environmental and climate challenges; 2) integration scenario – is the most likely option for the future CAP, which can be supported by the conclusion that this scenario is the most consistent with the EU’s strategic objectives. Its primary idea consists in greening the CAP, which basically should improve the sustainability of agriculture and rural areas. Strengthening the previous cross-compliance8 by additional greening restrictions that condi- 8 Introduced by the Luxembourg Agreement of 2003 (Fischler CAP Reform 2003), cross-compliance means an obligation to comply with the environmental and hygienic minimum as a condition to claim direct payments. Projected directions of the CAP Reform post 2013 and economic convergence in the European Union tion part of direct payments means also that Pillar 2 becomes less important for the EU’s environmental policy; 3) refocus scenario – limits the scope of financial support and market intervention. As specified in the EC proposal, it would increase the level of risk in agriculture, and no relationship between payments and cross-compliance would foster negative environmental external implications despite reallocating funds for environmental needs. At the same time, this least protectionist scenario should result in some structural changes in agriculture, which would generate social costs, e.g. higher unemployment in rural areas. The integration scenario is preferred because of the present circumstances and the fact that the adjustment and refocus scenarios lack detailed assumptions. 3. Reforming the CAP and economic convergence in the EU’s agricultural sector The changes proposed follow a long-term financial framework that as proposed by the European Commission assumes the expenditure for the CAP at the 2013 level, or the last year of the current financial framework. The total spending for the CAP amounts to € 435.5 billion, including almost 73% for Pillar 1, 23% for Pillar 2, and 4% for additional needs. Defined by the European Commission in the draft resolution on the principles of new direct payments, the national financial limits are lower than those currently in force9. The following three issues should be examined to assess the significance of the CAP reform post 2013 for the economic convergence of the EU’s agricultural sector. The first one refers to the future direct payment system. Given the fact that public goods are provided through agriculture, e.g. mitigating climate change, biodiversity, bio-energy, soil conservation and regeneration, contributing to cultural values, shaping the landscape mostly by using land for production, agricultural land should actually be a primary allocation criterion for direct payment limitations. 9 As calculated, the limit for Poland for 2014 will be lower by € 5,549,000 than planned as in the present resolution (€ 3,038,969,000). This discrepancy across the EU is nearly € 3 bn; M. Zagórski (ed.), Wspólna Polityka Rolna 2013 plus. Zmiany w systemie wsparcia [Common Agricultural Policy 2013 plus. Changes in the support scheme], Warszawa: Europejski Fundusz Rozwoju Wsi Polskiej, 2010. 105 106 Bożena Oleszko-Kurzyna These subsidy payments are a kind of compensation for farmers for delivering public goods, social and environmental, but for which they are not remunerated by the market, so different rates for individual countries are invalid. Therefore, a flat rate for direct payments across the EU is justified10, and national limitations should result from a common subsidy payment model following objective criteria to ensure equitable distribution. However, it turns out that in the 2014-2020 financial perspective, the level of subsidy payment and equitable distribution of direct assistance will not be completely uniform11. Thus, today’s payment disparities will be continued. The average rate, calculated per 1 hectare of arable land in 2019, may vary by over € 500, i.e. € 141 in Latvia and € 669 in Malta. Figure 1 shows the 2019 direct payment rates. The previous Single Payment Scheme12 and Single Area Payment Scheme13 are to be replaced by a new Basic Payment Scheme based on subsidy entitlement related to eligible land14. Although the principle of this new payment scheme seems to be a novelty, major assumptions for the Basic Payment Scheme resemble the SPS scheme applied so far to the EU-15. Thus, these countries doubt whether introducing this new scheme instead of modifying the previous ones is reasonable. 10 The payment distribution model can cause certain discrepancies because of objective criteria such as production and labour costs. 11 Proposal for a Regulation of the European Parliament and of the Council establishing rules for direct payments to farmers under support schemes within the framework of the Common Agricultural Policy, developed by the European Commission (COM (2011) 625/3) does not define the date for offset rates of direct payments in the entire EU. It specifies only that all payment rates in a given Member State or in the EU-15 Member States need to be standardised (of the same value) before 2019; Article 22 (5) of a draft of this Resolution. 12 SPS (Single Payment Scheme) – direct payment scheme was introduced by the 2003 Fischler Reform. Its main idea is to replace most of the current direct payments that are specific to particular types of agricultural production by a single payment scheme independent from production. This scheme has been adopted by the old EU-15 MS, Malta and Slovenia (they implemented this scheme in 2007). 13 SAPS (Single Area Payment Scheme) – simplified Single Area Payment Scheme, adopted by the new Member States (except Malta and Slovenia). The scheme involves direct payments and complimentary national payments (coupled to an area or production). 14 Pillar 1 assumes: basic payment, environmental payment (greening – 30% of the national envelope), a simplified system for small farms (up to 10%), production-related assistance (5-10%), payment for areas with natural constraints (up to 5%), premium for young farmers (up to 2%). The assistance under Pillar 1 is addressed only to active farmers, or those whose income from direct payments is no less than 5% of their entire revenues (this does not apply to farmers who receive payments of less than € 5,000). The level of payment will be limited to € 300,000 per household (camping), and the reduction in payments is to be gradual (from € 150,000) with the possible deductions, e.g. due to practices beneficial to the climate. Projected directions of the CAP Reform post 2013 and economic convergence in the European Union The European Commission suggests financial limitations for Pillar 1 be calculated upon the previous budgets created upon the past data on the intensity of agricultural production. This solution means that the direct payment scheme developed upon the previously calculated production payments will be maintained15. This is contrary to the principle of the reform that a subsidy payment system should not be related to production, or decoupled. Nevertheless, the European Commission suggests limiting to some extent today’s disparities in allocation of resources because it assumes that these disparities in the countries with an average subsidy payment rate per hectare lower than 90% of the EU’s payments are to be reduced by one third by 2017. However, subsidies are to be analogically reduced and approximated to the average level in the countries with a higher level of payment. It should be mentioned that a 25% national payment envelope for the EU-12 defined in 2004 as a result of the parameters negotiated by these countries is assumed to be achieved as a standard value only in 2013 (phasing-in). This means that the maximum agricultural assistance in these countries will be reached in 2013, whereas it will be 75% of the average level of agricultural subsidies in the EU agriculture for Poland. Also, differentiated ecological subsidy rates, resultant from uneven base subsidy rates, are controversial. All farmers in the EU need to satisfy the same subsidy requirements for practices beneficial for the climate and the environment, i.e. greening. However, a relevant subsidy payment which is calculated as an average value per hectare due to its linear separating upon national limitations will be different for each country. The discrepancy under this part of subsidy payment may amount to more than € 150 per hectare (Figure 1). Ecological farms would be exempt from this type of payment unlike farms in the areas under Natura 2000 even if they have been implementing safety practices due to Plans of Protection Tasks, e.g. in Poland, 14% of agricultural land is qualified under Natura 200016. 15 The current financial envelopes for each Member State, and thus the tax rates are determined in about 60% by the past base area and past reference yields, in about 20% by the past amount of cattle; Model płatności bezpośrednich po 2013 r. [Model of Post-2013 Direct Payments], Departament Programowania i Analiz MRiRW [Department for Programming and Analysis in the Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Development], Warszawa 2010. 16 A. Bołtromiuk, M. Zagórski, Natura 2000 – dobro publiczne, problem prywatny [Natura 2000 – a public good though a private problem], Warszawa: Europejski Fundusz Rozwoju Wsi Polskiej, 2011. 107 108 Bożena Oleszko-Kurzyna Figure 1. Diversification of rates under the direct payment scheme per 1 hectare in 2019 (as indicated in the EC’s proposal) Source: Prepared by the author. Direct subsidy payments are particularly important for all Member States simply because such payments strongly impact on the stability of agricultural income, i.e. about 60% of farmers’ income comes from subsidies and their share in the EU budget amounts to 30%, which is more than three fourth of the all funds allocated for implementing the CAP objectives. The EC’s proposal will result in some further disparities in final subsidies to farmers as most of them will receive a basic rate and greening payments only. Consequently, these rates will be lower than the current ones received under the SAPS. Another issue relates to the forecast simplification of the assistance mechanisms and adjustment costs. New solutions to direct payments like mandatory pro-environmental practices17, in particular, impose new requirements and thus further constraints on the agricultural producer. The present system seems to offer a set of fairly good pro-environmental mechanisms, e.g. cross-compliance or special rules to manage the Natura 2000 areas. The greening plan, complicated and difficult for benefi- 17 Farmers can claim their payment if they implement three mandatory greening activities: crop diversification; retaining areas under permanent grassland; maintaining an ecological focus area of at least 7% of their farmland, e.g. land left fallow, terraces. Projected directions of the CAP Reform post 2013 and economic convergence in the European Union ciaries, may decrease the competitiveness of EU agriculture and weaken the implementation of the CAP objective, or assuring the profitability of agricultural production. Additionally, restructuring the Integrated Administration and Control System (IACS) and IT systems in the countries that convert from the SAPS into the BPS, i.e. verifying authorisation, an active farmer status, greening, etc. is expensive and time-consuming. There is also a question as to whether beneficiaries are well enough prepared to claim payments. The assistance system for small farmers has been simplified indeed. Nearly 58% of the total EU farms are estimated to be of 5-hectare farms in the EU-12. A true convenience for these farmers is that they are not obliged to submit annual payment applications and have been relieved from complying with stringent environmental requirements. Oddly enough, the final payment per hectare at the base rate increased by 25% may be higher in the countries with lower than the EU average rate of direct payments than for the other farms obliged to satisfy all of the CAP requirements. This system of assistance is, therefore, social by nature, which is valid though it can hinder such a necessary land reform. Finally, the rural development policy implemented under Pillar 2 of the CAP needs to be considered here. No radical changes are expected here, and the two-pillar CAP is assumed to be continued in the new financial perspective. This approach is beneficial for the countries that considerably need to restructure their agricultural sector and to develop their rural areas18. Substantial funds, including those to develop technical and social infrastructure and to create new jobs outside agriculture are indispensable to improve conditions for agricultural infrastructure. Since European integration implies striving for consistency, the number of employees in agriculture and labour productivity should be included in the projected Common Agricultural Policy. This issue is, in fact, related to agricultural income. The high level of employment in the EU12 Member States makes the amount of CAP funds by per capita low. Moreover, farmers may lose some payments already received because of the changes in the criteria and the re-established areas in the EU hard to cultivate19. 18 Having its allocation of nearly 14% of the total Pillar 2 funds, Poland has been the greatest beneficiary of Pillar 2 under the CAP in 2007-2013. 19 More than 50% of the total area of Poland is occupied by the areas of unfavourable farming conditions. This area may decrease even by one third as a result of the CAP reforms. 109 110 Bożena Oleszko-Kurzyna Shifting funds between the pillars, i.e. up to 10% from Pillar 1 to Pillar 2 and 5% from the Rural Development Programme to direct payments20 as well as the necessity to correspond to the other EU funds are a novelty in the rural policy. Additionally, it is possible to create topical sub-programmes. The rural policy has been suggested to be excluded from Pillar 2 and shifted to the EU cohesion policy in the new financial perspective21. However, this is fairly unlikely, given its nature and other mechanisms for implementing these policies. Conclusions The assessment of the EU’s proposal as to the CAP reforms after 2013 shows that their major drawback is an inequitable distribution of assistance under direct payments, determined by the previous principles. Consequently, the terms and conditions for fair competition between farmers who operate on the open market will be disturbed, and thus there will be no equal developmental opportunities. The basic condition to effectively implement the EU’s policies of economic and social cohesion consists in waiving the previous conditions for agricultural assistance but supporting activities that focus on agricultural and rural development in the less developed countries. The diversified greening payment rates are also controversial. If environmental requirements for each country are identical, there should be a single rate, calculated upon a separate part of the overall budget for direct payments. Excluding the limitation for greening and defining the target limit of average payments per hectare (under the other componential amounts of the payments) constitute a prerequisite for reducing disparities in the distribution of funds and a step to develop a fair target model of direct payments in the EU. There is also a question about the validity of mandatory greening payments which are additional burden for farmers, while exempting small farmers from this requirement. The binding principle of crosscompliance and requirements for carrying out an agricultural activity in 20 This refers to the selected countries, including Poland. 21 Ł. Hardt, Wspólna polityka rolna a polityka spójności w kontekście przeglądu budżetu UE [Common Agricultural Policy and Cohesion Policy in the context of the EU budget’s review], Wieś i Rolnictwo, 2008, No. 4. Projected directions of the CAP Reform post 2013 and economic convergence in the European Union the areas protected by Natura 2000 seem to be sufficient to achieve the CAP environmental objectives. Actually, it is difficult to comprehensively assess the impact of these changes because the EC has not proposed any national envelopes. Undoubtedly, the CAP assumptions are correct but the instruments are questionable. It should be remembered that each CAP reform brings about multidimensional implications for single farms across the Member States, and thus affects not only the magnitude of direct financial assistance, but also the conditions of agricultural production. The unequal distribution of funds and the necessity to apply costly adjustments to the revised CAP instruments in 2014-2020, especially in the EU-12 Member States, may limit economic convergence in the EU’s agricultural sector. Bibliography Bołtromiuk A., Zagórski M., Natura 2000 – dobro publiczne, problem prywatny [Natura 2000 – a public good though a private problem], Warszawa: Europejski Fundusz Rozwoju Wsi Polskiej, 2011. Hardt Ł., Wspólna polityka rolna a polityka spójności w kontekście przeglądu budżetu UE [Common Agricultural Policy and Cohesion Policy in the context of the EU budget’s review], Wieś i Rolnictwo, 2008, No. 4. Kulawik J. (ed.), Dopłaty bezpośrednie i dotacje budżetowe a finanse oraz funkcjonowanie gospodarstw i przedsiębiorstw rolniczych [Direct payments and governmental subsidies versus finance and the functioning of farms and agricultural enterprises], No. 20, Warszawa: IERiGŻ, Państwowy Instytut Badawczy, 2011. Małysz J., Reorientacja WPR – implikacje dla krajów kandydackich [Reorientation of the CAP – implications for the candidate countries], Wieś i Rolnictwo, 2010, No. 1. Model płatności bezpośrednich po 2013 r. [Model of Post-2013 Direct Payments], Departament Programowania i Analiz MRiRW [Department for Programming and Analysis in the Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Development], Warszawa 2010. Mucha-Leszko B., Ewolucja wspólnej polityki rolnej UE – przesłanki i uwarunkowania zmian systemowych [The evolution of the Common Agricultural Policy – conditions and prerequisites for system changes], Annales UMCS, Sectio H, Vol. 38, 2004. Pawlak K., Poczta W., Potencjał polskiego rolnictwa pięć lat po akcesji Polski do UE jako przesłanka jego konkurencyjności [The potential of Pol- 111 112 Bożena Oleszko-Kurzyna ish agriculture after five years of Poland’s EU membership as a factor of its competitiveness], Wieś i Rolnictwo, 2010, No. 1. Podsumowanie przeglądu WPR [Summary of the CAP Health Check], Ministerstwo Rolnictwa i Rozwoju Wsi [Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Development], Warszawa 2008. Proposal for a Regulation of the European Parliament and of the Council establishing rules for direct payments to farmers under support schemes within the framework of the Common Agricultural Policy, developed by the European Commission (COM (2011) 625/3). Zagórski M. (ed.), Wspólna Polityka Rolna 2013 plus. Zmiany w systemie wsparcia [Common Agricultural Policy 2013 plus. Changes in the support scheme], Warszawa: Europejski Fundusz Rozwoju Wsi Polskiej, 2010. Katarzyna Sołkowicz Cultural convergence as an element of Cohesion Policy Abstract: Regarded as a form of Europeanisation, cultural convergence is discussed in this paper as a system of values to be applied while deciding on how to execute EU Cohesion Policy. At the same time, this notion justifies any integration processes in Europe and complements traditional concepts of economic growth and development. Cultural convergence also refers to accumulated social virtues, administrative rationality, processes of innovation, and the creation of innovative regions. Moreover, this concept is a prerequisite for successful regional economies in the European Union. Hence, cultural convergence plays a key role in building a strategy and implementing Cohesion Policy. However, the ideas to standardise certain processes or to implement Europeanisation may make people anxious for fear of losing their specific culture and eliminating tradition perceived as a hindrance to economic development and growth. Keywords: convergence, cultural convergence, Cohesion Policy, cultural background Introduction It is difficult to define how cultural factors actually impact on economic development and all the more formulate such a thesis. As social virtues are increasingly crucial to generate wealth from innovation and technological progress, cultural background are critical for local and global economic polarisation. On the other hand, social, economic and territorial convergence is promoted in the EU regions. Therefore, it is justified to introduce the notion of cultural convergence as the raison d’etre of the integration processes in Europe. The convergence of European economies and regions is facilitated by a common system of values, 114 Katarzyna Sołkowicz norms, behaviors which is distinguished regardless the great diversity in Europe. As an important element of Cohesion Policy, cultural convergence almost directly refers to the objectives pursued under this process. European integration should result in a coherent and uniform area of economy, society, territory based on European cultural diversity definitely perceived as a competitive advantage. The primary objective of EU Cohesion Policy is to diminish considerable disparities in social and economic development in EU regions and the Member States. They, in turn, result from substantial differences in social and economic development of the Member States and even more significant disparities in regional development. These are often structural due to a peripheral location of the regions, their harsh climate, poorly developed infrastructure, unfavourable economic structure, and poorly qualified inhabitants. Thus, to find shared cultural values to achieve the objectives of Cohesion Policy, especially in today’s economic crisis is a real challenge. This paper, therefore, focuses on cultural convergence referred to as a form of Europeanisation, or a system of values necessary to make specific decisions to implement Cohesion Policy. Simultaneously, this concept justifies the European integration processes and complements traditional ideas of economic growth and development. Cultural convergence refers to accumulated social virtues, administrative rationality, the process of innovation, and the creation of innovative regions. Moreover, this concept is a prerequisite to achieve economic success in the EU regions. 1. Cohesion Policy Basically, Cohesion Policy is to correct imbalances in living standards and economic development between the poorest and richest regions of the Member States. A widespread view that excessive discrepancies hinder integration in the European Union or may even threaten its existence is referred to here. This means that public authorities should Cultural convergence as an element of Cohesion Policy act intentionally to rebuild regional economic structure and to stimulate regional economic growth1. Thus, they should define trends in regional developmental specialisation, develop a programme to activate the underdeveloped regions, reduce any current developmental disparities, and determine the rules of regional cooperation. Cohesion Policy, therefore, refers to political, fiscal and financial measures to improve the economic and social situation in the European Community2. In particular, any disparities in the regions can be deepened by factors such as low mobility of capital and labour, harsh environmental conditions, institutional and bureaucratic impediments, underdeveloped infrastructure, especially in transport3. However, regional disparities can also be defined by criteria like population density, an age structure, levels of economic activity, levels of production and income, population changes due to migration, economic and consumption structures, and unemployment4. It should be noticed that regional development, besides economic issues, should focus on the management of social development related to cultural dissemination, education, R&D centres and institutions, the development and improvement of health care, tourism and physical culture, the impact of specialisation and cooperation on development and growth, and the stimulation of the underdeveloped regions. EU Cohesion Policy needs to guide regional development, to deal comprehensively with the way this spatial configuration functions as a whole or as individual and separate entities, and to specify consequences and proposals for regional approaches following the economic development of the European Community. 1 2 3 4 T.G. Grosse, Polityka regionalna Unii Europejskiej i jej wpływ na rozwój gospodarczy, przykład Grecji, Włoch, Irlandii i wnioski dla Polski [EU Regional Policy and Its Impact on Economic Growth. The Study Cases of Greece, Italy, Ireland, and the Conclusions for Poland], Warszawa: Instytut Spraw Publicznych, 2000, p. 7. B. Ekstowicz, M.J. Malinowski, Polityka Strukturalna Unii Europejskiej stymulatorem procesów modernizacji i rozwoju społeczno-ekonomicznego Polski w latach 2007-2015 [EU Structural Policy as a Stimulus to the Modernisation and Social-Economic Development of Poland in 2007-2015], Toruń: Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek, 2010, p. 10. K. Delis-Szeląg, Polityka regionalna Unii Europejskiej i perspektywy jej realizacji Polsce [EU Regional Policy and Prospects to Execute It in Poland], [in:] A. Adamczyk, J. Borkowski (ed.), Regionalizm, polityka regionalna i fundusze strukturalne w Unii Europejskiej [Regionalism, Regional Policy, and Structural Funds in the European Union], Warszawa: Centrum Europejskie UW, 2005, p. 7. P. Jasiński, Europa jako szansa: polityka regionalna Unii Europejskiej i perspektywy jej instrumenty, a władze lokalne i regionalne [Europa as an Opportunity: EU Regional Policy and the Prospects of Its Instruments versus Local and Regional Authorities], Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Elipsa, 2000, p. 11. 115 116 Katarzyna Sołkowicz Thus, significant disparities and a low capacity to overcome them force the European Union to quickly overcome these difficulties because of probable resultant economic, social and political tensions5. Consequently, means and their supporting measures are mostly to reduce any unfavourable disparities and to intensively promote convergence in society, economy, and territories. On the other hand, the convergence of social culture, called by the author a kind of cultural convergence, involves cultural dissemination. Establishing the European Community, the Treaty of Rome has become its legal basis. The wording in the preamble to the Treaty indicates the objectives pursued by the Member States under Cohesion Policy as to be anxious to strengthen the unity of their economies and to ensure their harmonious development by reducing the differences existing between the various regions and the backwardness of the less favoured regions6. Therefore, the fundamental mission of Cohesion Policy consists in reinforcing internal cohesion within the Community. In fact, too appreciable regional disparities not only are detrimental to the poorer regions but also dangerous for the entire Community. The concept of Cohesion Policy as well as its objectives and principles evolved while it was developing. For 2007-2013, its three objectives, i.e. convergence, regional competitiveness and employment, and European territorial cooperation were formulated. The activities under these objectives are supported by the European Regional Development Fund, the European Social Fund and the Cohesion Fund. The programmes carried out within the first objective, i.e. convergence focus on improving regional competitiveness by: • supporting innovation and development of a knowledge-based economy, i.e. production investment, the development of services for SMEs, including promoting innovation and R&D, the promotion of enterprise development, direct investment aid, local infrastructure, information society, and investment in tourism and culture; • improving the accessibility of the regions and the quality of basic services, i.e. networks of transport, telecommunications and energy, including the trans-European networks, secondary network distribution systems or social infrastructure; 5 6 J. Borowiec, K. Wilk, Integracja europejska [European Integration], Wrocław: Wydawnictwo AE, 2005, p. 410 and farther. Dziennik Ustaw [Journal of Laws] 04.90.864 referred to as TWE. Cultural convergence as an element of Cohesion Policy • environmental protection and disaster prevention, i.e. supporting the Member States in the complete alignment of their national legislation to that of the Community, supporting the development of businesses involved in environmental protection, reconverting industrial areas, supporting any efforts to avoid natural disasters and their effects, promoting ecological transport systems, developing and using renewable energy sources; • strengthening the administration responsible for implementing the Structural Funds and the Cohesion Fund. Under the European Structural Fund, Objective 1 includes the programmes that support employment: • supporting education and labour market institutions, enhancing labour market institutions, education, training, social services and care; • improving the quality of human resources and training, supporting active labour market and making it accessible to all, eliminating social exclusion; • enhancing administrative and institutional capacities to make administration flexible in the changing situation on the labour market7. The major EU objectives are generally based on a pursuit to achieve: social cohesion measured by rates of unemployment and employment; economic cohesion measured by GDP per capita or verified purchasing power parity; territorial cohesion measured by an accessibility indicator to specify the time needed by the underdeveloped regions to catch up with the regions economically important. Cultural aspects should be considered here because only an interdisciplinary approach that combines economic analysis with a broad sociological, historical, anthropological, ecological context can describe Cohesion Policy in the modern economy. This approach is adopted in the programmes the European Community institutions offer under the Convergence Objective. The interest in the process of convergence also results from the objectives followed by international institutions8. It should be pointed out that EU Cohesion Policy is a critical success factor for European integration, and most of all a kind of cultural 7 8 Z. Bajko, B. Jóźwik, M. Szewczak, Fundusze Unii Europejskiej w Polsce na lata 2007-2013 [EU Funds in Poland in 2007-2013], Lublin: Wydawnictwo KUL, 2009. The meaning of the process of convergence in the contemporary world is discussed in detail in G. Kołodko, Wędrujący świat [Wandering World], Warszawa: Prószyński i S-ka, 2008, p. 73 and farther. 117 118 Katarzyna Sołkowicz convergence, which will be discussed later in this paper, needs to be its principle. Basically, the reduction of any inter-regional disparities requires a lot of effort to find common values that could serve as a basis for sustained and coherent development in the European Community. 2. Cultural convergence The core of the convergence offered by the European Union institutions is to support growth and job creation in the least developed Member States and regions. Their economic acceleration is to be achieved by improving conditions for economic and employment growth, stimulating innovation, and building a knowledge-based society. Any activities to enhance capabilities to adapt to socio-economic changes must be undertaken in accordance with the rules for environmental protection. Divergence, or differentiating macroeconomic variables is the opposite of convergence. The pursuit of cultural conditions of economic processes already began in the works by M. Weber. He attempted to find the relationship between the way of thinking determined by Protestantism and the ethics of economic life, which is not discussed here9. The ambiguity of the concept justifies the need to create varied approaches to the theory of economic development and growth, which was already clear in the works by A. Smith, J. Schumpeter, J. Keynes, V. Pareto, and many other contemporary economists, particularly from France. Consequently, this concept needs to be accurately interpreted; otherwise it may be applied discretionarily. In order to avoid this kind of risk, the author adopts as a starting point F. Braudel’s definition of culture perceived as the whole of intangible and tangible cultural heritage which is geographically expressed and passed on by individuals10. It should be noted that Cohesion Policy has always taken into account the still undisputed cultural context which can justify European integration. The main difficulty in de- 9 More in: M. Weber, Etyka protestancka a duch kapitalizmu [Protestant Ethics and Spirit of Capitalism], Warszawa: Wydawnictwa UW, 2011; M. Weber, Gospodarka i społeczeństwo: zarys socjologii rozumiejącej [Economy and Society: Outline of Understanding Sociology], Warszawa: PWN, 2002. 10 F. Braudel, Gramatyka cywilizacji [Grammar of Civilisation], trans. by H. Ingalson-Tygielska, Warszawa: Oficyna Naukowa, 2006, p. 36. Cultural convergence as an element of Cohesion Policy fining cultural convergence consists in the interpretation of symbols and the ascribed to them system of values for specific decisions made to implement cohesion policy. The use of the concept of cultural convergence can be regarded as an element of the process of Europeanisation because it proceeds through spreading standards, identities and patterns of behaviour across European countries as a result of EU membership and implementing Cohesion Policy. The essential question, therefore, concerns the relationship between the subjective and objective. Also, this can provoke thought on to which the extent this relationship may be the result of cognitive processes. Cultural factors can, in fact, be regarded as a justification of the activities that intensify and deepen integration by building the common market, introducing the mechanisms for economic and monetary unions. Moreover, the cultural context can significantly help overcome any hindrances to development, and thus bridge faster the gap in economic growth expressed in GDP. Given that human needs can be indirectly satisfied by growth in GDP, one can claim that they are basically determined by cultural factors11. The issues of the cultural context of human needs and the use of natural resources are also regarded by a new idea of wealth which includes cultural components of wealth production12. Implemented under the first objective of Cohesion Policy, the programmes on environmental protection or the development of social services and social care perfectly correspond with this idea. Cultural convergence can be basically distinguished by the value-systems of Greco-Roman culture which decided on the future of Europe. If the enormously rich culture of ancient Greece which has become European heritage were not taken into account, it would not be possible to analyse the transformations that are proceeding even now in Europe. In fact, ancient Rome, just like ancient Greece, had got the same function, especially for its legal culture as a cornerstone and a model of any modern legal system. Moreover, the Roman model of the development of material, administrative, political culture is noteworthy. Another important element underlying the cultural system in Europe is Christianity or actually ancient Judeo-Christian tradition which has determined European development for the next millennium. One also cannot miss Renaissance humanism whose ideas were well reflected in an intellectu- 11 This issue is discussed in detail in: J.K. Galbraith, Economics, Peace and Laughter, Boston: Harvard University Press, 1973. 12 D. Meda, Qu’est-ce que la richesse?, Paris: Flammarion, 1999. 119 120 Katarzyna Sołkowicz al evolution which significantly influenced the development of Europe from the Middle Ages until present times. Europeans from all social classes have a strong interest in a quality of life and pay attention to progress that should satisfy people’s needs. This approach is reflected, for instance, in the programmes implemented under the convergence objective and discussed in the first part of this study. Innovation and knowledge-based economy enhancement is a programme that refers to the theory of regional innovation systems which were designed to find the sources of success in some regions. According to this theory, innovations arise just where the systems generating innovations are. The main distinctive features of such a system are enterprises, R&D institutions, and regional authorities. The extension of this approach is the theory of learning regions which says that sustainable innovation and capabilities to adapt to ever-changing market conditions are the main driving force behind development13. It is worth noticing that the concept of cultural convergence justifying the process of European integration is a necessary condition for social peace and order that could be disrupted by uneven growth (both in the countries with significantly higher GDP growth rate and the countries with a lower one). Thus, if there is no real cultural convergence that means as the author claims the pursuit for common values, there will be the Europe of two or more speeds, which can destroy the idea of integration. Since the beginning and now even more, the objectives pursued under Cohesion Policy have been impacted by this type of particularism so the need to take into account socio-cultural factors means aiming for cultural convergence. It should also be noticed that cultural convergence enables to distinguish different types of cultures during their rapid development, i.e. their foundation, development, and even decline. If approached in this way, cultural convergence may be subject to specific changes that result from internal transformations, i.e. within its own cultural space as well as external ones that result from an external impact, i.e. foreign cultural spaces. Moreover, cultural convergence seems to allow for asking the question of the continuity of a given, for example European, cultural space. Accordingly, there is the issue of cultural convergence regarded as a result of a developmental process as well as the pursuit for a turning point where it ceases to fulfil this role as it loses its autonomy. As specified in the assumptions for Hegel’s idealism, the very essence of being 13 W. Morawski, Socjologia ekonomiczna [Economic Sociology], Warszawa: PWN, 2001, p. 111. Cultural convergence as an element of Cohesion Policy is evolutionary, which is manifested in achieving increasingly complex forms14. G. Hegel’s philosophy of culture includes the theory of history which is based on the principle of evolution and logics. Therefore, any form of culture was regarded by Hegel as a transitory though necessary stage of development that logically results from the previous one. Hegel adopted a holistic approach so he paid much attention to general properties of the process, disregarding particular ones. In fact, only a holistic approach can ensure consistency and rationality of the process. He highlighted volatility as a source of plurality of forms or varieties of culture. Perceiving cultural convergence through its homogeneous features just leads to singling out different types or varieties of culture which enable finding specific homogeneous cultures. This process applies to both tangible heritage and social virtues, which may result in developing models of cultural convergence. Actually, these models can be useful to create Cohesion Policy strategies and management systems. Therefore, the aim consists in developing a given formal type of culture, described by the author as cultural convergence, which can be applied in the theory of economic development and growth. This is true for the issues related to Cohesion Policy that is covered by these concepts. Thus, a French economist’s claim that apart from GDP and unemployment, analyses on economic growth should include product social utility and consumption seems to be plausible15. It is also worth noticing that the Human Development Index (HDI) which has been adopted under the United Nations Development Programme since 1990 refers to the level of education, average life expectancy, which reflects quality of life and health care. Cultural convergence can be a preliminary stage to execute Cohesion Policy because, as determined in Hegel’s concept of culture, it strives for permanent structural changes to bridge the gap between more and less developed countries, and thus reduce disparities in development and prosperity. In addition, cultural convergence is more associated with practical considerations. There is, however, no direct relationship with any institutional context. In fact, an institutional approach describes economic convergence, especially in terms of monetary and fiscal policies, which is reflected in the Maastricht Treaty convergence criteria to form a reliable economic basis for the monetary union. 14 More in: G. Hegel, Wykłady z historii filozofii [Lectures on the History of Philosophy], trans. by Ś.F. Nowicki, Warszawa: PWN, Biblioteka Klasyków Filozofii. 15 D. Meda, Qu’est-ce que la richesse?... 121 122 Katarzyna Sołkowicz Intercultural studies indicate that a certain level of economic underdevelopment indirectly depends on culturally shaped perceptions of reality, patterns of thought, ethical standards and regulations. It may also result from culturally shaped systems to achieve prosperity and consumption, tendencies to take risk and avoid uncertainty16. It should also be noticed that the programmes to support the administration responsible for implementing the Structural Funds and the Cohesion Fund and to adjust government administration to an unstable market situation are carried out under the Convergence Objective. These programmes need special attention because they develop a type of administrative culture and are responsible for the relationship between entities acting mostly in the market and the skills necessary to efficiently manage the state. The unified legal systems of the Member States bring about convergence in this territory; and the starting point is the development of administrative and social cultures which enable undertaking any activities to support economic, social and territorial cohesion. Hence, cultural convergence on an administrative level is a powerful symbol and a method to achieve the objectives of Cohesion Policy. Considering the transformation of public administration, Europeanisation can be defined as the homogenisation of administration cultures as a result of EU membership17. The administrative context of cultural conver- 16 M. Weber, Gospodarka i społeczeństwo: zarys socjologii rozumiejącej [Economy and Society: Outline of Understanding Sociology], Warszawa: PWN, 2002; D.S. Landem, Bogactwo i nędza narodów. Dlaczego jedni są tak bogaci, a inni tak ubodzy [The Wealth and Poverty of Nations. Why Some Are So Rich and Some So Poor], Warszawa: Muza, 2000; G. Hofstede, G.J. Hofstede, Kultury i organizacje [Cultures and Organisations], Warszawa: PWE, 2007; Ł. Sułkowski, Kulturowa zmienność organizacji [Cultural Diversity of the Organisation], Warszawa: PWE, 2002; Ch. Hampden-Turner, A. Trompernaars, Siedem kultur kapitalizmu. USA, Japonia, Niemcy, Wielka Brytania, Szwecja, Holandia [The Seven Cultures of Capitalism: Value Systems for Creating Wealth in the United States, Japan, Germany, France, Britain, Sweden, and the Netherlands], Warszawa: Wydawnictwo ABC, 1998; F. Fukuyama, Kapitał społeczny a droga do dobrobytu [The Social Virtues and the Creation of Prosperity], Warszawa–Wrocław: PWN, 1997; R.J. House, P. Ganges, A. Ruiz-Quintanilla, Globe. The Global Leadership and Organizational Behavior. Effectiveness: Research Programme, Polish Psychological Bulletin, Vol. 28, 1997, No. 3; E. Bogalska-Martin, Wprowadzenie do teorii kulturowych uwarunkowań rozwoju gospodarczego [Introduction to the Theory of Cultural Conditioning for Economic Development], [in:] R. Piasecki (ed.), Ekonomia rozwoju [Economy of Development], Warszawa: PWE, 2007; R. Inglehart, Modernization and Postmodernization: Cultural, Economic, and Political Change in 43 Societies, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1997; K. Gadomska-Lila, Charakterystyka i uwarunkowania proinnowacyjnej kultury organizacyjnej – wyniki badań [Characteristics and Conditions for Pro-innovative Organisational Culture. Study Results], Przegląd Organizacji, 2010, No. 2. 17 S. Mandes, Administracja publiczna w procesie europeizacji [State Administration in Europeanisation], [in:] J. Kochanowicz, M. Marody (ed.), Kultura i gospodarka [Culture and Econo- Cultural convergence as an element of Cohesion Policy gence has, therefore, a strong impact on the efficiency of institutional solutions which serve regional development. 3. European integration versus cultural convergence Given the foregoing, it should be emphasised, as postulated by the theorists of the Frankfurt School, that some dimensions of culture are utilitarian and exchangeable. Therefore, cultural convergence regarded as an attempt to find common values for the European countries as well as a method to spread standards and unify desired behaviours while reducing disparities in economic growth or social and territorial development in certain regions serves this purpose at least in terms of ecology, administration, unified legal systems. Simultaneously, the prospect of standardisation of certain processes or Europeanisation may cause anxiety as a result of the loss of specific cultural traditions and elimination of tradition treated as a hindrance to economic development and growth. Nevertheless, one must remember that such perception of cultural convergence is the effect of European integration. However, its very essence brings about its evolutionary nature, manifested in achieving increasingly complex forms of integration, which has been discussed previously. This issue is associated with the relationship between the whole of the European Union and its particular Member States. However, Cohesion Policy impacts on the regions. Cultural convergence seems to aim at a kind of unity reflecting at the same time cultural diversity in Europe. It means a kind of pursuit within a complex and diverse entity of the European Union for principles and cultural rules to maintain a certain level of growth, economic development and social order. Thus, cultural convergence can be regarded as the effect of merging various cultural elements that are integrated into a complete cultural system, only when this process is completed. European cultural archetypes are the foundation of this merging, or European integration. The starting point of cultural convergence is, therefore, the case of many European cultures that having common roots may be correlative. So, this stands for the natural capability of the regions or Member States to be interrelated but still respect independence and individuality. It is noteworthy that when my], Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Naukowe Scholar, 2010, p. 2006. 123 124 Katarzyna Sołkowicz individual cultures begin to interact, their autonomy and independence change in favour of an emerging community structure which can be treated as a new entity. This analysis indicates that cultural convergence and cohesion policy as the culmination of the idea of European integration is undoubtedly related to the emergence of new opportunities and prospects. It seems that any ethnic, national, linguistic, and religious differences enhance, not spoil the common heritage of Europe. Thus, it is clear that the process of cultural convergence is none of the other opportunities, but it is a kind of destiny according to which Europeans need to accomplish a certain mission. If they failed, it would mean that Europe rejected its own tradition, which would be accompanied by difficult to determine consequences. Mindful of the evolution of convergence, the following possible solutions should be determined: • striving to maintain the status quo; • striving to change the present status by adding new elements, and thus to accept a new level of integration; • emerging the process of internal contradictions that unfortunately lead to disintegration and thus to reducing the current level of integration, or actually disintegration. Given the present, complicated situation in Europe, one can notice that Europeans are disappointed due to the fact that even if convergence mechanisms function correctly, they cannot create the expected positive effects on their own or these effects are not as satisfying as expected in terms of the funds involved. Moreover, there is a widespread opinion that there is no single concept that could define the future shape of the Community to which convergence could be subordinated. Therefore, one can simply ask a question where Europe is generally heading for, deliberately or aimlessly. However, one should consider European cultural heritage which can assess positively European integration and solidarity in bridging any gaps in Europe. It is worth noticing that European identity has always manifested extreme tendencies. On the one hand, a shared vision of belonging has been strongly manifested; on the other hand, European common heritage has always meant different cultures so that it might have seemed at first glance that this unity was unjustified. European integration needs to be constantly implemented. It is actually a real necessity, not merely an option. On the other hand, this means rejecting the ideal of identity which functions in a way as a unifying principle, i.e. cultural convergence that can affect social relation- Cultural convergence as an element of Cohesion Policy ships. One should remember that the autonomy and independence of a group is a prerequisite for European integration. This process is actually temporary, whereas integration is a gradual process with cultural convergence as one of its stages. Both integration and disintegration is an inherent component of social life. As social relations are complex, a number of grounds can be distinguished, and one of them is just cultural convergence. While analysing cultural convergence, the following issues were not discussed here for the lack of space but need to be addressed: • the development and basic trends of cultural convergence and the resultant systems of values and solutions; • the importance of nationality as a factor in regional development and its impact on developing Cohesion Policy; • the impact of the system of values on socio-economic transformations as well as integration as such. The description of the process of European integration should necessarily include the complexity of elements because this process refers to different areas and affects the development of complex networks that involve various regions. The analysis of integration deals with many aspects like the development of trade, the creation of complex international structures, the development of institutional instruments and solutions to support economic, social and territorial cohesion. Therefore, this study is comprehensive and many factors that influence its scope and institutional forms need to be addressed. The analysis of cultural convergence refers both to the existing legal documents and to specific institutions and bodies of the European Union, capable of implementing Cohesion Policy and making decisions which are obligatory for the Member States. Such analysis needs to relate to general conditions like a socio-cultural sphere and its impact on the way the European Union functions. Bibliography Bajko Z., Jóźwik B., Szewczak M., Fundusze Unii Europejskiej w Polsce na lata 2007-2013 [EU Funds in Poland in 2007-2013], Lublin: Wydawnictwo KUL, 2009. Borowiec J., Wilk K., Integracja europejska [European Integration], Wrocław: Wydawnictwo AE, 2005. Braudel F., Gramatyka cywilizacji [Grammar of Civilisation], trans. by H. Ingalson-Tygielska, Warszawa: Oficyna Naukowa, 2006. 125 126 Katarzyna Sołkowicz Delis-Szeląg K., Polityka regionalna Unii Europejskiej i perspektywy jej realizacji Polsce [EU Regional Policy and Prospects to Execute It in Poland], [in:] Regionalizm, polityka regionalna i fundusze strukturalne w UE [Regionalism, Regional Policy, and Structural Funds in the European Union], Warszawa: Centrum Europejskie UW, 2005. Dziennik Urzędowy [Journal of Laws], 04.90.864 referred to as TWE. Ekstowicz B., Malinowski M.J., Polityka strukturalna Unii Europejskiej stymulatorem procesów modernizacji i rozwoju społeczno-ekonomicznego Polski w latach 2007-2015 [EU Structural Policy as a Stimulus to the Modernisation and Social-Economic Development of Poland in 20072015], Toruń: Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek, 2010. Fukuyama F., Kapitał społeczny a droga do dobrobytu [The Social Virtues and the Creation of Prosperity], Warszawa–Wrocław: PWN, 1997. Gadomska-Lila K., Charakterystyka i uwarunkowania proinnowacyjnej kultury organizacyjnej – wyniki badań [Characteristics and Conditions for Pro-innovative Organisational Culture. Study Results], Przegląd Organizacji, 2010, No. 2. Galbraith J.K., Economics, Peace and Laughter, Boston: Harvard University Press, 1973. Grosse T.G., Polityka regionalna Unii Europejskiej i jej wpływ na rozwój gospodarczy, przykład Grecji, Włoch, Irlandii i wnioski dla Polski [EU Regional Policy and Its Impact on Economic Growth. The Study Cases of Greece, Italy, Ireland, and the Conclusions for Poland], Warszawa: Instytut Spraw Publicznych, 2000. Hampden-Turner Ch., Trompernaars A., Siedem kultur kapitalizmu. USA, Japonia, Niemcy, Wielka Brytania, Szwecja, Holandia [The Seven Cultures of Capitalism: Value Systems for Creating Wealth in the United States, Japan, Germany, France, Britain, Sweden, and the Netherlands], Warszawa: Wydawnictwo ABC, 1998. Hegel G., Wykłady z historii filozofii [Lectures on the History of Philosophy], trans. by Ś.F. Nowicki, Warszawa: PWN, Biblioteka Klasyków Filozofii. Hofstede G., Hofstede G.J., Kultury i organizacje [Cultures and Organisations], Warszawa: PWE, 2007. House R.J., Ganges P., Ruiz-Quintanilla A., Globe. The Globar Leadership and Organizational Behavior. Effectiveness: Research Program, Polish Psychological Bulletin, Vol. 28, 1997, No. 3. Ingelhart R., Modernization and Postmodernization. Cultural, Economic and Political Change in 43 Societies, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1997. Jasiński P., Europa jako szansa: polityka regionalna Unii Europejskiej i perspektywy jej instrumenty, a władze lokalne i regionalne [Europa as an Opportunity: EU Regional Policy and the Prospects of Its Instruments versus Local and Regional Authorities], Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Elipsa, 2000. Cultural convergence as an element of Cohesion Policy Kołodko G., Wędrujący świat [Wandering World], Warszawa: Prószyński i S-ka, 2008. Landem D.S., Bogactwo i nędza narodów. Dlaczego jedni są tak bogaci, a inni tak ubodzy [The Wealth and Poverty of Nations. Why Some Are So Rich and Some So Poor], Warszawa: Muza, 2000. Mandes S., Administracja publiczna w procesie europeizacji [State Administration in Europeanisation], [in:] J. Kochanowicz, M. Marody (ed.), Kultura i gospodarka [Culture and Economy], Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Naukowe Scholar, 2010. Meda D., Qu’est-ce que la richesse?, Paris: Flammarion, 1999. Morawski W., Socjologia ekonomiczna [Economic Sociology], Warszawa: PWN, 2001. Sułkowski Ł., Kulturowa zmienność organizacji [Cultural Diversity of the Organisation], Warszawa: PWE, 2002. Weber M., Etyka protestancka a duch kapitalizmu [Protestant Ethics and Spirit of Capitalism], trans. by Dorota Lachowska, Warszawa: Wydawnictwa UW, 2011. Weber M., Gospodarka i społeczeństwo: zarys socjologii rozumiejącej [Economy and Society: Outline of Understanding Sociology], Warszawa: PWN, 2002. 127 Monika Banaś Nordic Federation as a state – a challenge for European integration? Abstract: The article examines a concept of a new federation state constituted by all members of the Nordic dimension. The new united political body would have one government, one parliament, one currency, common institutions for fields such as: foreign and internal policy, international security, higher education, research and science, labour market, and infrastructure. The common areas would be complemented with individually managed sectors, all together serving to increase competitiveness and security of the Nordic region. Keywords: Norden, Nordic Federation, integration, Europe Introduction The notion that Norden – a Nordic federal state – can and should become a part of the European political landscape by 2040 was introduced by Gunnar Wetterberg, a Swedish historian. In 2009, he presented it twice in Dagens Nyheter1, the most prominent daily in Sweden. The bold idea stirred controversy; while some were puzzled and incredulous; others expressed approval and endorsed his far-reaching plans to form a new, unified state. The rediscovery of the notion which once formed the basis of the Kalmar Union calls for a closer examination, especially 1 Dagens Nyheter, October 27, 2009, http://www.dn.se/debatt/de-fem-nordiska-landernabor-ga-ihop-i-en-ny-union [retrieved 2012-09-01]. 130 Monika Banaś considering that it produced some serious responses. Suffice to say, the Nordic Council and the Nordic Council of Ministers devoted an entire yearbook to the topic (Nordiska Rådet i Nordiska Ministerrådets årsbok 2010)2. G. Wetterberg claims that the new federation would comprise the five states, i.e. Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway, and Sweden as well as the three autonomous areas of the Åland Islands, the Faroes, and Greenland. The union would evoke historical integration efforts such as the Kalmar Union or some of the more recent quasi-integrated unions rooted in political Scandinavism and Nordism but also draw from contemporary experiences of states such as Germany, Switzerland, Spain, Brazil or the USA. Norden – the official name for the new entity – would have a single government, parliament and currency, common institutions to oversee the harmonisation of its economy, a common foreign and security policy, and a single head of state to represent the federated states3. According to G. Wetterberg, the federation would create a unique environment in which the potential of its members – now spread across the entire Nordic market – would converge and lead to a more efficient use of human, economic, political and geographic resources. The theories by Paul Krugman, who won the Nobel Prize in Economics in 2008, seem to support this proposal. P. Krugman demonstrates that the pace and scope of economic development (and, later on, of civilisational progress) correlate directly with the geographical environment of a given state and the position of its neighbours: their identity and level of development. Furthermore, a federation might be a better alternative to a union, given that unions are prone to extensive protectionism, which damages free trade, free markets and house budgets alike4. The Nordic countries take different positions on the European Union, and this fact demonstrates that they do not share a common vision of integration or its forms and scope. Finland, Sweden and Denmark became member states, but Norway and Iceland saw integration 2 3 4 The United Nordic Federation, TemaNord, 2010:583, Nordic Council of Ministers, Copenhagen 2010 and Förbundsstaten NORDEN, TemaNord, 2010:582, Nordiska Ministerrådet, Köpenhamn 2010. The original full name is Förbundstaten Norden. It should be pointed out that the term Norden is widespread in the Nordic discourse and is used to refer to the entire Nordic community, i.e. the five Nordic states and the three autonomous territories. Thus, it refers not only to the territory but also politics, economy, culture, and history of the Nordic societies. G. Wetterberg, Förbundsstaten Norden, TemaNord, 2010:582, Nordiska Ministerrådet, Köpenhamn 2010, p. 39. Nordic Federation as a state – a challenge for European integration? as a threat to their interest (chiefly to their natural resources and fishing industries). The autonomous areas had similar reservations and resorted to special relationship agreements with the EU. G. Wetterberg points out that the presence of the three Nordic states in EU structures is not reflected in their ability to fully and proportionally influence opinions within the Community. The historian sees the Nordic EU members as second- and third-rate players who have less power on the international forum than a hypothetical Federation of the future5. The Copenhagen climate summit fiasco in 2009 seems to support this thesis. Therefore, the call for the unification pursuant to the Nordic lines could lead to more control over the world order. The ideas presented in Förbundsstaten Norden refer to the rhetoric and arguments used in the Soltenberg Report which tackles international security. Thorvald Stoltenberg, Norwegian Minister of Foreign Affairs in 1987-1989 and 1990-1993, suggested in 2009 a common foreign and security policy be introduced in all Nordic states as a move that would streamline costs, improve efficiency of the defence forces and guarantee that the Nordic standards of air force, navy and army defence were up to date6. One should remember that both of these documents were first published at the same time, i.e. in the late 2000s and are certainly evidence that the Nordic theories of unification are experiencing a revival, attracting increasing attention from the elite and broader public. One technical aspect of the Federation concept has to be highlighted. Förbundsstaten Norden, originally published in Swedish, was readily comprehensible to all the members of the Nordic cultural sphere. Scandinavian languages generally foster easy communication because they belong to the same family and are very similar7. The English translation introduced some qualifications which, albeit small, significantly changed the text’s meaning. The title itself provides the most striking example. The original title Förbundsstaten Norden literally means The Federal State of Norden. However, in English the document is entitled as The United Nordic Federation. As seen, the word state has been removed in translation. The term federation has several meanings and is used in the context of political sciences, administration or to refer to organisations. If we 5 6 7 Ibidem, pp. 38-39. Ibidem, p. 37; see also: T. Stoltenberg, Nordic Cooperation on foreign and security policy, Oslo 2009. Except for Finnish, Greenlandic and the languages of the Sami people. 131 132 Monika Banaś define politics as the ability to create a state and interstate8 order, federations which operate outside its sphere will include Trade Union Federations, Federation of Digital Libraries, Polish Federation for Women and Family Planning, Consumers’ Federation or International Federation of Association Football. As the English translation does not refer directly to the statehood of the new political entity, it can be suggested that the organisation will not aspire to statehood at all, which is obviously incorrect. The original text speaks of a new state and does so explicitly by using the word staten (state)9. 1. The new state Gunnar Wetterberg, the author of the concept, admits that social cohesion and integration in Europe require time and energy and is a longterm effort that may bear fruit only after several dozen years, provided that the community does not experience any adversities or falling-outs10. Today’s actions will deliver distant results, but in the meantime the states should take steps to create an entity which could bring political and social benefits in the shorter run. G. Wetterberg’s proposal follows this line of thought by calling for the creation of a new federal state capable of meeting the challenges of modernity and tackling some of the emerging problems in the near future. For example, the 2008 financial crisis has affected the global economy and individual societies. The EU recovery plans have raised questions about their cost and efficiency. G. Wetterberg maintains that the Nordic EU members lacked enough strength to effectively influence EU policies. Consequently, he sees the need for a parallel platform, namely the Nordic federation which could unite the social, political and cultural potential of its five member states 8 I use the term interstate instead of international on purpose to stress the primary agent, i.e. the state (its government/administration) rather than the nation, which can be defined and understood broadly and implies chiefly a broader sociological or socio-anthropological context. 9 The United Nordic Federation and Förbundstaten Norden (in Swedish) were both published under the auspices of the Nordic Council by the Nordic Council of Ministers, Nordiska Ministerrådet, Köpenhamn 2010. 10 G. Wetterberg, Putting our eggs in the Nordic basket, Presseurop, November 2, 2009, http:// www.presseurop.eu/en/content/article/129141-putting-our-eggs-nordic-basket [retrieved 2012-09-06]. Nordic Federation as a state – a challenge for European integration? and become a major European and global player. If this is the goal, what is the correct course of action? The analysis of the Norden concept reveals four outstanding elements, or four basic building blocks. These cornerstones of the new state which would be subject to federal control include common policies on foreign affairs, defence, trade, and immigration. The four policies are as follows: 1) Foreign policy – as one of the most important attributes of the new state is rooted in similar culture, history, civilisation, and a language. It is shaped by prior experiences, which suggests that the federated state could benefit more from a common effort than individual action. A joint federal policy would be a powerful force capable of securing a rightful place for Nordic political thought, values, and global and regional solutions on the international forum. This crucial point achievement would consolidate and enhance the international status of the Nordic countries. Today, Nordic leaders do not have adequate power over the decision-making processes of highstakes international communities of the developed world like the G2011. By pursuing their interest through a unified political front of common institutions and representatives (e.g. the diplomatic corps), Nordic countries would present the federation as a larger, stronger actor, a partner and an entity responsible for decisions regarding the world order. In diplomacy, this philosophy applies to the Pan Nordic Building of the Nordic Embassies in Berlin whose design combines Nordic diversity and originality12. 2) Defence and security policy – its key ideas and directions were already presented in the Stoltenberg Report. The Federation draws from the document, while emphasising the functionality, feasibility and cost-efficiency of its solutions (lower costs related to purchase of modern equipment, cheaper R&D, and joint training and manoeuvres). By combining their armed forces, the Nordic countries would significantly increase their strategic power and improve their efficiency through more careful logistics, tapping the diverse geopolitical realities of federated states. Their joint defensive efforts could also help secure their particular interests, detached as they may be. 11 G. Wetterberg, Förbundsstaten Norden..., p. 36. 12 The design, which is very interesting, invokes Nordic values but it denotes individual qualities of the five countries. The idea is reflected in its architecture, centred around the body of five interwoven embassies. More information is available at: http://www.nordicembassies.org/ 133 134 Monika Banaś Indeed, Iceland and Norway are more Atlantic-oriented; Finland and Sweden put emphasis on cross-Baltic relations; and Norway and Denmark focus on the Arctic Ocean. Without a joint command, these forces are spread thin and their potential is wasted, especially in the face of new issues arising in the Arctic or problems related to strategic natural resources, new sea routes or protection of marine resources13. 3) Trade policy – constitutes an important facet of any political system. Trade policy is based on several key elements such as human resources (the workforce, its quality and quantity), geographical and climate conditions, and geopolitics. Paul Krugman claims that the latter has the most effect on the pace of economic development and, consequently, on social and technological change14. The Northern economies are well diversified and tend to specialise in different fields: Finland and Sweden have the strong timber industry for obvious reasons; Norway and Iceland put strong emphasis on the fishing industry; and Denmark has developed a food industry based on intensive cattle and pig farming. These traditional areas have been augmented by new fields of economic activity such as the oil industry (Norway), vehicle manufacturing and telecommunications (Sweden and Finland) or pharmaceutical industry and biotechnology (Denmark and Iceland). This diversity would be a key advantage of the federation. In the current economic environment, business cycles are a constant, but the magnitude of their impact can differ depending on a field, industry or region; they can also appear out of sync. A diversified economic portfolio boosts the joint economy’s chances for a quicker response to a market in crisis. The common trade policy of the federation would only expand on existing economic relations between the member countries. The region could also become highly attractive to external trade partners, given that the new area would constitute an expanded market with several major specialist industries and a population of over 25 million. 4) Immigration policy – in the age of constant human traffic in search of employment, education, better life quality, freedom of speech, healthcare and life security, global migration, patterns become an increasingly salient point in Nordic political debates. Nordic countries 13 Ibidem, p. 37. See also: Stoltenberg Report, 2009. 14 P. Krugman, The Increasing Returns Revolution in Trade and Geography, American Economic Review, Vol. 99, 2009, No. 3. Nordic Federation as a state – a challenge for European integration? have open immigration policies, especially for refugees, and accept a large number of immigrants relative to the size of their populations15. Given that major portions of migrant populations hold significantly different cultural values from the host culture, integration can be difficult. Over time, the experience of the entire region – and Sweden in particular – led to a working, sustainable, yet admittedly imperfect model of social cohesion. As existing inclusion policies still require constant effort and supervision, they understandably depend on substantial resources, especially funding16. Seeing how both Europe and the global market are volatile environments, creating a strong workforce to meet present and future market needs will require a careful approach to a common immigration policy. This area should and must become a major driving force of the newly unified Nordic economy. 2. Common areas Common areas under joint supervision of the federation and the federated countries would include legislation, labour market, R&D, higher education, and infrastructure. Each of these areas would be controlled by relevant bodies operating from both levels, as the central administration and secondary (member state) administration. Common legislation, or rather a common legislative framework, follows from their shared history, traditions and similar – if not identical – set of values fostered by Nordic societies. Finance and banking, workforce mobility and citizenship are the three areas that require joint regulation. Common banking law created by mutual consent of the federated states would protect the union, enabling timely prevention of potential irregularities. The Icelandic crisis of 2008 underscored this legis- 15 Norway: http://www.unhcr.org/cgi-bin/texis/vtx/page?page=49e48ed26&submit=GO Sweden: http://www.unhcr.org/cgi-bin/texis/vtx/page?page=49e48f056&submit=GO Denmark: http://www.unhcr.org/cgi-bin/texis/vtx/page?page=49e48e376&submit=GO Finland: http://www.unhcr.org/cgi-bin/texis/vtx/page?page=49e48e4f6&submit=GO Iceland: http://www.unhcr.org/cgi-bin/texis/vtx/page?page=49e48e8a6&submit=GO [retrieved 2012-09-20]. 16 See also: M. Banaś, Szwedzka polityka integracyjna wobec imigrantów [Swedish Integration Policy towards Immigrants], Kraków 2010. 135 136 Monika Banaś lative gap, and its disastrous consequences convinced many to support proposals introducing uniform regulations into the banking and financial systems, especially as regards control and supervision17. Financial policy, on the other hand, should also be subject to joint regulations imposed by the federation and member states. The individual states would finance their expenses from taxes imposed at a secondary (member state) level, but the central government would have the final say in terms of federal expenses such as financial aid for crisis-stricken member or members. To ensure security, the Nordic Federation would have to give priority to financial liquidity and balanced budgets at both levels. In terms of workforce mobility, the common legal system would guarantee that workers would be provided with equal access to material and symbolic goods. In this way, law could foster free flow of human capital which is the driving force behind a competitive economy in the current market environment. Citizenship is somewhat similar. A common citizenship granted to all Norden citizens, giving them equal symbolic and actual rights, privileges, and duties would have positive psychological, social, political and economic consequences. This Northern citizenship – a term I coined for the sake of convenience – would not necessarily rule out the possibility of having an EU citizenship, if such an institution ever becomes a fact. Wetterberg explains this by stating that sooner or later the states and the EU will become complementary not only in terms of identity but also the labour market, education etc. Thus, there is no alternative to integration and system convergence if the Nordic states are to become a competitive European economy capable of challenging major players for the position of a global leader in charge of the rules of the game. One of the most basic elements of any competitive strategy is a more flexible labour market with a potential to promptly follow global trends. Such a market requires relevant regulations and management models, ensuring a favourable environment for entrepreneurs, workers who wish to start or change employment, and collective agreements executed between employees and employers. In Scandinavia (or, broadly speaking, the Nordic countries), these relations are based on a set of covenants between the two groups involved. In the North, this is considered standard practice, but continental Europe does not foster these 17 R. Boyes, Meltdown Iceland. How the Global Financial Crisis Bankrupted an Entire Country, London 2009. Nordic Federation as a state – a challenge for European integration? traditions. Wetterberg stresses this fact and suggests that for the benefit of the entire formation, EU members might consider abandoning this obligatory, inflexible legal form and adopt more pragmatic agreements and covenants, rooted not in legal obligation but consensus and negotiations. No competitive economy could exist without higher education and scientific research, the two strategic facets of any modern state. Knowledge-based society and technology-driven economy are born from systemic planning covering all stages of education, and not only tertiary institutions. They are shaped by bold, united and forward-looking visions that usually require cooperation and insight into individual needs. The EU itself is no stranger to such efforts, as evidenced by a unified higher education system and programmes fostering cooperation between researchers from different member states. However, the Nordic model is unique because of its ability to tailor these two areas to the needs of the federation through a policy that provides federated states with an active – not just declaratory – choice and respects their opinions and capabilities18. The final key area subject to joint regulation at a federal and member state level is the infrastructure. The choice is obvious and requires no particular explanation. Political, social and cultural development is heavily dependent on the quality and comprehensiveness of infrastructural solutions. The theory is backed by firm evidence: the transnational Danish-Swedish region of Öresund experienced a boom in creative and science-based industries after a bridge between Copenhagen and Malmö had been constructed across the strait. The local residents have become more mobile, travelling for work and moving from one city to another. A substantial group of Danes decided to move from Copenhagen to Malmö which offered cheaper real estates and the same, high standard of life. Commuting is not a problem because quick, efficient and convenient public transport fully satisfies any regional needs. Similar examples of multi-modal passenger transport come up at every turn and appear to be related to a focus on value, a pragmatic approach to sustainable development and, last but not least, a shared sense of environmental protection. 18 When a model is purely theoretic, it can hardly be real as its full character can only unfold in action. Despite these reservations, it can be said that pragmatic solutions are among key elements defining the culture of Nordic states. 137 138 Monika Banaś Apart from traditional communication, telecommunications also play a vital role in modern economies. The speed of information flow determines development. Clearly, the quality of information and its availability also has to be considered. The Nordic countries meet all three criteria of quality, speed and availability, setting a benchmark for a social organisation. State-of-the-art telecommunication technology paired with universal access to the Internet allows even the most remote regions to maintain regular contact with the centre. Physical distance is a non-issue as it can be easily overcome by video calls, which allows companies to save time and money on business travels. As a priority, Wetterberg’s Nordic federation should focus on setting up an extensive communication and telecommunication network but maintain its goals related to sustainable development and environmental protection. 3. Member state level The federated states would have sole command over social policies, state-level taxes, primary and secondary education, and cultural life. There is little doubt that social policies of the Nordic states are among the best in the world19. While much has been said about their high cost, it is important to note that the expenses incurred on social policies yield double benefits. Firstly, they create a level playing field in education, support personal development and provide healthcare coverage for the less well-off. In this way, people in need get to unlock their potential and use it later on, during their professionally active years. Secondly, social benefits are a way of thanking the retired population for their efforts and participation in the welfare state. The wide range of high-quality services offered to senior citizens ensures their wellbeing and prolongs their physically and mentally active years. Consequently, the society incurs lower costs of geriatric care. These savings are particularly important in light of the current demographic trends which demonstrate a strong shift in populations of developed countries 19 According to the Human Development Index, Nordic countries rank among 22 most developed countries in the world. See: Human Development Reports UNDP, Statistical Annex 2011, p. 127, http://hdr.undp.org/en/media/HDR_2011_EN_Tables.pdf [retrieved 2012-09-22]. Nordic Federation as a state – a challenge for European integration? towards older ages. This fact cannot be ignored; moreover, we must not forget that the Nordic welfare state is centred around the individual and all of its policies are formulated with the people in mind – an idea that is neither cheap, nor easy to implement20. This kind of social policy cannot exist without an effective tax system. Only a well-designed and properly implemented tax policy can pay for a welfare state. Taxes which are charged at a primary and secondary level (by the commune, region, and state) enable the efficient use of raised revenue. The communes and regions are particularly important as they know local and regional needs best. Thus, a decentralised tax system is more conducive to a fiscal order than a centralised system. Primary and secondary education should follow the same pattern. Schools should be rooted in local traditions but also use novel solutions. For decades, Finland has had one of the best education systems in the world, setting an example for other members of the future federation21. In Finland, elementary schooling takes place at small centres which have been designed with the students’ physical and psychological comfort in mind. For this reason, some of the schools resemble private houses. Pupils immersed in such safe environments acquire new skills easily, develop their natural sense of curiosity and have an opportunity to cultivate their individual talents. Because the classes are small, teachers can evaluate children’s performance and discover the areas in which they do particularly well. In Finnish schools, talent is not a rare gift. It is a common feature which emerges through a close teacher-student cooperation. Strong primary education background reflects in secondary school performance. At this level teachers build up and expand students’ knowledge, preparing them for higher education. As we can see, Finnish architects, engineers, doctors and lawyers are not shaped merely by universities, but by the entire system of education, starting from kindergarten and primary schools. Culture is the final area which, according to Wetterberg’s concept, should be left to the discretion of member states. For reasons that do not require explanation, any federal bodies should not be in charge of 20 Nordic welfare states tax income from social benefits, G. Wetterberg, Förbundsstaten Norden..., p. 52. 21 What students know and can do: Student performance in reading, mathematics and science, http://www.oecd.org/pisa/46643496.pdf [retrieved 2012-09-22]. See also: Are Finnish schools the best in the world?, The Independent, http://www.independent.co.uk/news/education/ schools/are-finnish-schools-the-best-in-the-world-2289083.html [retrieved 2012-09-22]. 139 140 Monika Banaś it. Similar, if not identical values underlying social and individual behaviour stimulate mutual understanding and communication between Nordic societies. Almost any text, idea, intellectual solution, work of art or artistic creation can circulate freely among those countries as they bear strong cultural resemblances. Because of this flow of mutual inspirations, the cultural life in the region remains dynamic. However, this process could be enhanced if more funds were devoted to the study of all Nordic languages. Citizens of the federated states should be encouraged to learn the languages of their closest and more distant neighbours. Language is the key to communication. Language learners acquire communication skills, but also enjoy other advantages such as superior cognitive skills, more efficient brain processing or slower pace of age-related brain deterioration22. 4. Challenge for European integration? In many ways, a Nordic federal state can be an alternative to the European Union. The author of the concept is openly sceptical about some of the EU solutions such as excessive bureaucracy, protectionism leading to high prices of goods and services, lack of power to cope with key issues (as evidenced by the recent financial crisis), inadequate solutions concerning immigration policies or introduction of the idea that different parts of Europe should integrate at different paces. The solution, dubbed multi-speed Europe, justified as it may be by varying levels of economic development in Europe, seems to contradict the egalitarian notions of a unified European Community. The organisational shortcomings of the EU by no means erase its advantages. In a way, the Nordic Federation would complement the process of pooling the pan-European potential. Due to its nature, it would serve as an example of best practices based on solutions that do not rely on an extensive and constantly growing bureaucracy, but depend on a system of easy rules established through cooperation between the 22 Learning languages ‘boosts brain’, BBC News, http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/health/3739690. stm [retrieved 2012-09-22]; A.R. Damasio, H. Damasio, Brain and Language, Scientific American, Vol. 267, 1992, No. 3, pp. 88-95; A. Pate, Language, music, syntax and the brain, Nature Neuroscience, Vol. 6, 2003, No. 7, pp. 674-681. Nordic Federation as a state – a challenge for European integration? government and the governed. However, such an organisation requires mutual trust; and trust is gained from experience. Scandinavian and Nordic countries made trust-based cooperation a natural part of their culture. This phenomenon is attributable to their traditions, upbringing and education, but also to simple pragmatism: Northern societies know that a common effort is cheaper, faster, and cost-effective. Short cultural distances between the societies certainly make it easier to conceptualise, execute and implement an idea into social reality. Shared values, common outlook, similar ways of communicating, acting or making decisions can help form bonds and spark the discussion about a common federal state. Indeed, as we can see, the notion has moved past closed circles of scholars and theory and entered the Nordic social discourse. In G. Wetterberg’s opinion, the Nordic federation understood as a single political entity would not be a threat to the EU as the two organisations are not meant to compete in an either/or environment. The federation should – at least according to its originators – inspire the EU and offer functional solutions in the area of organisation and communication, for example as regards transparency and end-user clarity. In this particular case, the federation would face a different challenge: it would have to balance opposing interests of its members who do not necessarily share opinions on NATO and EU membership or adoption of a single currency. The process of finding a common answer to these questions will not be quick or easy. It will require even greater cooperation of its future member states. Assuming the goodwill of all interested parties, this process should result in a federal framework which, of course, cannot exist without extensive public consultation, sustained effort of expert teams, and continued partnership between subsequent generations. Convergence, going hand in hand with such transformations, becomes inherent and crucial to integrating political, economic, social and cultural systems. The latter is particularly important as culture is responsible for paradigms we use to give meaning to the world we live in. The emergence of a Nordic Federation would affect Europe but also form a new element of the global order, a strong and stable point of reference in the increasingly global world. Conclusions Although the notion presented above is still quite bold or too improbable to become reality, it is important to note that every now and then 141 142 Monika Banaś the idea re-enters the political, economic and social discourse of the Nordic countries, coming and going in more or less regular waves. Harald Bluetooth (in Danish: Harald Blåtand Gormsen), the king of Denmark and Norway (albeit for a few years), strongly supported the unification of Denmark and south-eastern Scandinavia under a single rule. His unification policy was at least partially adopted by his direct and indirect successors and returned under the guise of the Kalmar Union (1397-1523) or by means of subsequent quasi-union entities (between Denmark and Norway – in 1536-1814, and Sweden and Norway – in 1814-1905)23. It has also found its way into contemporary life, this time returning not as a political concept but as technology. Rather symbolically, the king who united Denmark – Harald – shares his name and appellation – bluetooth – with a wireless technology used for exchanging data over short distances. Clearly, unification is always a popular topic. This time, it was Gunnar Wetterberg who presented his vision to the general public of the Norden region. He managed to win the support of the Nordic Council and the Nordic Council of Ministers by voicing local sentiments, feelings, wishes, and needs. Without those feelings, the dream of a Nordic state would have never been born, or possibly would have failed to achieve official recognition. Bibliography Are Finnish schools the best in the world?, The Independent, http://www. independent.co.uk/news/education/schools/are-finnish-schools-thebest-in-the-world-2289083.html [retrieved 2012-09-22]. Banaś M., Szwedzka polityka integracyjna wobec imigrantów [Swedish Integration Policy towards Immigrants], Kraków 2010. Boyes R., Meltdown Iceland. How the Global Financial Crisis Bankrupted an Entire Country, London 2009. Dagens Nyheter, October 27, 2009, http://www.dn.se/debatt/de-femnordiska-landerna-bor-ga-ihop-i-en-ny-union [retrieved 2012-09-01]. Damasio A.R., Damasio H., Brain and Language, Scientific American, Vol. 267, 1992, No. 3. 23 I use the term quasi-union entity to stress the fact that in both cases (Denmark-Norway and Sweden-Norway) the states did not act as equals but based their relations on unilateral dominance. The best example of this policy of subjugation was Finland which survived centuries under the Swedish rule only to fall under Russian policies. Nordic Federation as a state – a challenge for European integration? http://www.nordicembassies.org/. Human Development Reports UNDP, Statistical Annex 2011, http://hdr. undp.org/en/media/HDR_2011_EN_Tables.pdf [retrieved 2012-09-22]. Krugman P., The Increasing Returns Revolution in Trade and Geography, American Economic Review, Vol. 99, 2009, No. 3. Learning languages ‘boosts brain’, BBC News, http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/ hi/health/3739690.stm [retrieved 2012-09-22]. Norway: http://www.unhcr.org/cgi-bin/texis/vtx/page?page=49e48ed26 &submit=GO, Sweden: http://www.unhcr.org/cgi-bin/texis/vtx/page?page=49e48f056 &submit=GO, Denmark: http://www.unhcr.org/cgi-bin/texis/vtx/page?page =49e48e376 &submit=GO, Finland: http://www.unhcr.org/cgi-bin/texis/vtx/page?page=49e48e4f6 &submit=GO, Iceland: http://www.unhcr.org/cgi-bin/texis/vtx/page?page=49e48e8a6 &submit=GO [retrieved 2012-09-20]. Pate A., Language, music, syntax and the brain, Nature Neuroscience, Vol. 6, 2003, No. 7. Stoltenberg T., Nordic Cooperation on foreign and security policy, Oslo 2009. The United Nordic Federation, TemaNord, 2010:583, Nordic Council of Ministers, Copenhagen 2010. Wetterberg G., Förbundsstaten Norden, TemaNord, 2010:582, Nordiska Ministerrådet, Köpenhamn 2010. Wetterberg G., Putting our eggs in the Nordic basket, Presseurop, November 2, 2009, http://www.presseurop.eu/en/content/article/129141putting-our-eggs-nordic-basket [retrieved 2012-09-06]. What students know and can do: Student performance in reading, mathematics and science, http://www.oecd.org/pisa/46643496.pdf [retrieved 2012-09-22]. 143 Aleksandra Dyba The knowledge-based economy in the Central and Eastern European countries in view of the World Bank ranking Abstract: The paper presents the results of the latest research by the World Bank on the development of the knowledge-based economy (KBE) in the selected countries, including the EU Members from Central and Eastern Europe (CEE). The paper is also an attempt to study the level of development of the KBE in those countries in relation to the other EU Member States. Keywords: knowledge-based economy, European Union, Central and Eastern European Countries Introduction It has been frequently stressed that the modern world has entered a new era of knowledge recognised as a potent tool for economic development. A country’s pursuit of the knowledge-based economy (KBE) is said to be reflected in its level of socio-economic development. Therefore, the World Bank’s research on the subject is worth delving into. The paper chiefly discusses the performance of the EU Member States from Central and Eastern Europe in the KBE. It also poses the question whether there is any major disproportion between the devel- 146 Aleksandra Dyba opment of knowledge-based economy in the Central and Eastern European countries in comparison with the other EU members and it is possible to pinpoint any differences or similarities in the development of KBE among the CEE countries. Since the knowledge-based economy is a multi-faceted issue, the paper focuses only on certain aspects of KBE development in the selected countries. 1. The concept of knowledge-based economy In the process of building a knowledge-based economy, knowledge is a fundamental driving force behind economic development. Knowledge has also become a commodity which has its price. To gain a competitive advantage increasingly relies on the ability to create, acquire and exchange knowledge. It is extremely difficult to create an unambiguous and accurate definition of knowledge. However, it is possible to point out certain attributes of knowledge such as dominance (competitiveness depends on using knowledge effectively), inexhaustibility, simultaneity and mobility (the same knowledge can be used by several people, companies etc. in different places at the same time), complexity (knowledge can be practical, theoretical, etc.), learning (knowledge is connected with the process of learning), applicability (knowledge becomes valuable when it is applied), expensiveness (knowledge is expensive to create)1. Similarly, defining the term of knowledge-based economy is far from straightforward. It is hardly possible to come up with a single comprehensive and generally acceptable definition of a knowledge-based economy. The term of KBE was first coined by the OECD and defined as “economies which are directly based on the production, distribution and use of knowledge and information”2. In one of its documents, the Polish Ministry of Economy has defined the KBE as an economy in which knowledge is the key factor in productivity and economic development (ahead of work, capital, raw materials and energy), and where information, education and technologies (especially information and 1 2 C. Olszak and Z. Ziemba (eds.), Strategie i modele gospodarki elektronicznej [Strategies and Models for a Digital Economy], Warszawa: PWN, 2007, p. 25. OECD (1996). The knowledge-based economy in the Central and Eastern European countries... communication technologies) play a crucial part3. Both definitions emphasise the role of knowledge in a modern economy. Knowledge is a complex resource which also constitutes an altogether new quality in the process of economic development. Knowledge is the driving force behind a competitive advantage. Knowledge (especially science and innovation) is often considered as an important stimulus of economic development and growth in the European Union. The European Council launched the Lisbon Strategy in 2000. Its aim was to make the EU “the most competitive and dynamic knowledge-based economy in the world capable of sustainable economic growth with more and better jobs and greater social cohesion”4. However, most of the Lisbon Strategy goals were not achieved. Its principles were endorsed in the next European Strategy known as the Europe 2020 strategy for smart, sustainable and inclusive growth. The Europe 2020 sets out a vision of European social market economy in the 21st century. In one of the three mutually reinforcing priorities, i.e. smart growth, the European Commission explains the importance of developing an economy based on knowledge and innovation for the EU5. The KBE is defined as follows6: • it has a very powerful technological driving force; • it is stimulated by a rapid growth of ITs with telecommunication and networking which have penetrated all spheres of human activity, forcing the ITs to work in a new mode and creating new spheres; • it focuses on intangible resources rather than tangible ones. L. Bătăgan explains that “(…) the KBE is characterised by the rapidity of change in information and knowledge in services and products fields. In this economy, it is important to remark that the barriers of communication and the physical distance are the lowest, the value of knowledge and information depends on the situation they are used in 3 4 5 6 ePolska – Plan działań na rzecz społeczeństwa informacyjnego w Polsce na lata 2001-2006 [The Action Plan for 2001-2006 on Developing Information Society in Poland], Ministerstwo Gospodarki [Ministry of Economy], 2001, p. 63. The Lisbon Strategy, Presidency conclusions, Lisbon European Council, 23 and 24 March, 2000. Communication from The Commission – EUROPE 2020. A strategy for smart, sustainable and inclusive growth, COM (2010) 2020 final, Brussels, 3 March, 2010. Knowledge-Based Economy and Intellectual Capital: The Impact of National Intellectual and Information Capitals on Economic Growth in Korea, International Journal of Business and Information, Vol. 1, 2006, No. 1, pp. 28-52. 147 148 Aleksandra Dyba but the mode in which they are understood by the citizen is important too”7. In order to understand the meaning of the KBE, it is worth focusing on its attributes, which, as K. Porwit claims, consist of the meaningful role of intellectual services, significant role of R&D investment, a suitable infrastructure necessary to implement high technologies, legal system to ensure transactional security, economic policies to ensure a stable macroeconomic base (low inflation, stability of public finances etc.)8. The knowledge-based economy is generally believed to consist of several key elements or pillars such as an innovation system, education system, information and communication systems, regional aspect, institutional and business environment, knowledge management at an organisational level9. For an effectively operating KBE, all these elements have to work together harmoniously. G.T. Kafela explained that “to become successful knowledge economies, countries must act simultaneously on their education base, their innovation systems and their information and communication technology infrastructure, while also building a high-quality economic and institutional regime”10. 2. Knowledge Assessment Methodology (KAM) Knowledge for Development (K4D) is one of the World Bank’s programmes meant to assist countries in identifying the challenges and opportunities they face in making the transition to the knowledge-based economy. The KAM is a benchmarking tool for assessing the level of de- 7 L. Bătăgan, Indicators for Knowledge Economy, Informatica Economică, No. 4 (44)/2007, pp. 60-63. 8 K. Porwit, Cechy gospodarki opartej na wiedzy, ich współczesne znaczenie i warunki skuteczności [Attributes of the Knowledge-based Economy, Their Contemporary Relevance, and Conditionality for Their Efficiency], [in:] Antoni Kukliński (ed.), Gospodarka oparta na wiedzy jako wyzwanie dla Polski XXI wieku [Knowledge-Based Economy as a Challenge for Poland in the 21st Century], Warszawa: KBN, 2001, pp. 111-137. 9 T. Kamiński, J. Fryca, B. Majecka (eds.), Efektywność gospodarki opartej na wiedzy – teoria i praktyka [The Efficiency of the Knowledge-Based Economy. Theory and Practice], Gdańsk: The University of Gdańsk, 2007, p. 23. 10 G.T. Kefela, Knowledge-based economy and society has become a vital commodity to countries, International NGO Journal, Vol. 5 (7), 2010, pp. 160-166. The knowledge-based economy in the Central and Eastern European countries... velopment of the KBE in a given country. KAM 2012 was created on the basis of 148 structural and qualitative variables11 which are then normalised on a scale of 0 (weakest) to 10 (strongest) relative to other countries in the comparison group. Hence, the higher the value is recorded, the more developed KBE becomes. In view of the derived index is standardised, a change in the position of a country may be due to its actual improvement or deterioration (absolute values) or a relative improvement or deterioration of other countries (higher or lower standardised values). Classified into 7 regional groupings, i.e. North America, Europe and Central Asia, East Asia and the Pacific, South Asia, Latin America and the Caribbean, the Middle East and North Africa, Sub-Saharan Africa, 146 countries are currently available in the KAM. The KAM is an interactive tool which allows comparisons on global or regional scales as well as by 4 income categories, i.e. high income, upper middle income, lower middle income, and low income12. The Basic Scorecard as the simplest version of the KAM consists of 12 variables (Table 1). Those variables attempt to capture a country’s readiness for the KBE and are used to calculate its overall Knowledge (KI) and Knowledge Economy (KEI) Indexes. The Knowledge Index measures a country’s ability to generate, adopt and diffuse knowledge. The Knowledge Economy Index is used in international comparisons and illustrates whether the environment is conducive for knowledge to be used effectively in economic development. The KI is a simple average of country’s normalised performance scores by the key variables in three pillars, i.e. education, innovation system, and information and communication technology (ICT). The KEI index is made up of the same three pillars as the KI and the fourth pillar, or the economic and institutional regime. Besides its own databases, the World Bank uses other publicly accessible data sources in the KAM: Freedom House, Heritage Foundation, International Labour Organisation, International Telecommunication Union, U.S. Patent and Trademark Office, UNESCO Institute for Statistics, and World Economic Forum. It is not possible to obtain data for all 11 For example, in 2001 the KAM contained data for only 60 indicators for 40 countries. KAM 2008 included 83 indicators for 140 countries. 12 Income groups are classified by the World Bank estimates of Gross National Income (GNI) per capita. 149 Source: World Bank, KEI and KI indexes (2012). • Average years of schooling (ag• Tariff & Nontariff Barriers (the gregate measure of the educational analysis of tariff and non-tariff stock in a country) barriers to trade such as import bans and quotas, and strict label- • Secondary Enrolment (ratio of total enrolment, regardless of age, to the ling and licensing requirements) population of the age group that • Regulatory Quality (measurement officially corresponds to the level of of the incidence of marketeducation shown) unfriendly policies such as price • Tertiary Enrolment (ratio of total controls or inadequate bank enrolment, regardless of age, to the supervision, etc.) population of the age group that • Rule of Law (indicator includes officially corresponds to the level of several indicators to measure education shown) the extent to which agents have confidence in and abide by the rules of society) VARIABLES Education system Economic and institutional regime PILLAR Information and communication • Royalty and License Fees • Telephones per 1,000 people (sum of telPayments and Receipts ephone mainlines and (US $ millions) mobile phones) • Patent Applications Granted by the US Patent • Computers per 1,000 people (indicator of and Trademark Office, personal computer • Scientific and Technipenetration and use) cal Journal Articles • Internet Users per 10,000 (This indicator refers to people scientific and engineering articles published in the following fields: physics, biology, chemistry, mathematics, etc.) Innovation system Table 1. Four pillars of the knowledge economy to the KAM (Basic Scorecard) 150 Aleksandra Dyba The knowledge-based economy in the Central and Eastern European countries... the indicators referring to the same period of time, hence the KAM uses the most recent data from any given source. 3. The knowledge-based economy in Central and Eastern Europe compared with the European Union The results of the World Bank’s KAM 2012 concerning the level of development of the KBE in 146 countries show Sweden, Finland and Denmark (EU countries) ranked as number 1. Poland, Romania and Bulgaria were the worst among the EU members in the global ranking (Table 2). Estonia ranked 19th in the global ranking was the best Central and Eastern European country. Among the CEE EU Member States that improved their global position were: Slovakia, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Bulgaria, Lithuania, and Hungary. Romania’s performance improved by 9 places. Slovenia and Latvia stayed the same. Some of the countries like Greece, Austria, Portugal, France, Italy, Cyprus, and Poland moved down the ranking. Importantly, a majority of the CEE countries improved their rankings. The thorough analysis shows that among the CEE countries, Estonia and Bulgaria achieved the best and worst results (likewise in the KI index) in the KEI, respectively. Still, some significant improvement since 2000 cannot be ignored. In both the KEI and KI indexes, all the countries made progress (except for Poland and Slovenia – KI Index, Table 3). However, a significant increase in the standardised value of indexes is clear even if the latest KAM results are compared with those for 1995; this tendency is hardly noticeable over the whole period. The data for 1995 and 2000 shows that the values of these indexes deteriorated in the Czech Republic (from 5.66 to 5.23), Slovakia (from 5.06 to 4.66), Bulgaria (from 4.18 to 3.37), and Romania (from 3.54 to 3.02)13. Comparing the results achieved by the CEE countries, Estonia not only scored the highest in this group but it was also slightly above average in the entire EU (Figure 1). The remaining countries failed to obtain the EU average. Countries like Slovakia, Latvia, Poland, Romania, and Bulgaria scored lower than the EU and CEE averages. The most significant development gap (nearly 1.4 points) is for Bulgaria (6.8), Romania 13 World Bank, http://info.worldbank.org/etools/kam2/KAM_page7.asp [accessed 2012-10-01]. 151 152 Aleksandra Dyba Table 2. The EU Member States in the Global Ranking (KAM 2012) Global Rank Country Change in the rank since 2000 KEI KI 1 Sweden 0 9.43 9.38 2 Finland 6 9.33 9.22 3 Denmark 0 9.16 9.00 4 Netherlands -2 9.11 9.22 8 Germany 7 8.90 8.83 11 Ireland 0 8.86 8.73 14 United Kingdom -2 8.76 8.61 15 Belgium -1 8.71 8.68 17 Austria -4 8.61 8.39 19 Estonia 7 8.40 8.26 20 Luxembourg 2 8.37 8.01 21 Spain 2 8.35 8.26 24 France -3 8.21 8.36 26 Czech Republic 7 8.14 8.00 27 Hungary 2 8.02 7.93 28 Slovenia 0 8.01 7.91 30 Italy -3 7.89 7.94 31 Malta 8 7.88 7.53 32 Lithuania 2 7.80 7.68 33 Slovak Republic 7 7.64 7.46 34 Portugal -4 7.61 7.34 35 Cyprus -3 7.56 7.50 36 Greece -5 7.51 7.74 37 Latvia 0 7.41 7.15 38 Poland -3 7.41 7.20 44 Romania 9 6.82 6.63 45 Bulgaria 6 6.80 6.61 Source: World Bank, KAM 2012. 153 The knowledge-based economy in the Central and Eastern European countries... Table 3. Central and Eastern European Countries – Over Time Comparison (KEI and KI Indexes) Country Knowledge Economy Index Knowledge Index Most recent (2012) 2000 Change Most recent (2012) 2000 Change Bulgaria 4.22 3.37 +0.85 3.77 3.60 +0.17 Czech Republic 6.54 5.23 +1.31 6.28 5.41 +0.87 Estonia 7.09 6.60 +0.49 6.84 6.31 +0.53 Hungary 6.26 5.76 +0.50 6.05 5.77 +0.28 Latvia 5.22 4.88 +0.34 4.69 4.48 +0.21 Lithuania 5.95 5.02 +0.93 5.73 4.60 +1.13 Poland 5.14 4.83 +0.31 4.72 4.90 -0.18 Romania 4.34 3.02 +1.32 3.92 2.85 +1.07 Slovak Republic 5.72 4.66 +1.06 5.37 4.87 +0.50 Slovenia 6.25 5.91 +0.34 6.11 6.22 -0.11 Source: World Bank, KEI and KI indexes (2000 and 2012). (6.82), and the EU (8.17). The KBE development in the CEE countries varies both in relation to the EU and within the group itself. Figure 2 shows the very interesting results for the CEE countries in particular KE pillars. According to KAM 2012 in the Economic Incentive Regime pillar, the best results were reported by Estonia (8.8), the Czech Republic (8.5), Slovenia (8.3), whereas in the EU the leaders were Finland (9.6), Denmark (9.6), and Sweden (9.5). The best CEE countries in the Innovation System pillar were Slovenia (8.5), Hungary (8.15), and the Czech Republic (7.9), while the EU leaders were Sweden (9.7), Finland (9.6), and Denmark (9.4). However, Lithuania (8.6), Estonia (8.6), and Hungary (8.4) scored the highest in the Education pillar. Greece (8.9), Sweden (8.9), and Ireland (8.8) also performed very well in this area. The best results in the 4th pillar (ICT) belonged to Estonia (8.4), the Czech Republic (7.9), and Slovenia (7.8), whereas Sweden (9.4), Luxembourg (9.4) and the Netherlands (9.4) were leaders in the EU14. 14 http://info.worldbank.org/etools/kam2/KAM_page5.asp [accessed 2012-09-25]. 154 Aleksandra Dyba Figure 1. Central and Eastern European Countries – KEI and KI (KAM 2012) 9 8 KEI 7 Index score 6 5 KI 4 3 EU - average (KEI) 2 1 Central and Eastern European Countries average (KEI) 0 Source: World Bank, KAM 2012. A comparison of all of the results in the Knowledge Economy pillars shows certain tendencies. Firstly, Estonia’s results were above the EU average in three out of four pillars, i.e. Economic Regime, Education, and ICT. Secondly, the CEE countries reported the best normalised values in Education with as many as four countries, i.e. Lithuania, Hungary, Estonia, and the Czech Republic that performed better than the EU-27. Thirdly, Bulgaria and Romania not only performed the worst in almost all of the four pillars within their group but also in the EU. Interestingly, despite their relative poor general performance, Bulgaria and Romania reported significant improvement in all of the four pillars (Economic Regime, Innovation, Education – only Romania – and ICT) compared to 2000 (Table 4). In the Economic Regime and Innovation pillars, all these countries showed progress though this tendency did not occur in the remaining two pillars. Relative to 2000 as many as four countries showed a decrease in Education and ICT. Table 5 presents a breakdown of data by the basic indicators. It can be concluded that Estonia exceeded the EU average for all of the four indicators. Secondly, Bulgaria as the only CEE country failed to exceed the EU average in any of the areas and demonstrated the poorest KAM 2012 performance. Thirdly, the CEE Member States reported the best 155 The knowledge-based economy in the Central and Eastern European countries... Figure 2. Knowledge Economy Pillars (KAM 2012) 10 9 8 Index score 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 0 Economic Incentive Regime Innovation Education ICT EE CZ HU 8,81 7,75 8,60 8,44 8,53 7,90 8,15 7,96 8,28 8,15 8,42 7,23 SI LT SK LV PL 8,31 8,50 7,42 7,80 8,15 6,82 8,64 7,59 8,17 7,30 7,42 7,68 8,21 6,56 7,73 7,16 8,01 7,16 7,76 6,70 RO BG EU* 7,39 6,14 7,55 6,19 7,35 6,94 6,25 6,66 8,52 8,21 7,91 8,05 EUR O* 8,57 8,46 7,90 8,24 * EU – EU average * EURO – Eurozone average * CEE – Central and Eastern European countries – average Source: World Bank, KAM 2012. results in the Education pillar; as many as 7 countries obtained comparable or better results than the EU average. The Education System pillar appears to be strong in these countries’ pursuit of a knowledge-based economy. Finally, the normalised results for individual countries prove that the CEE countries should put special emphasis on implementing changes in the Innovation and ICT pillars. Conclusions Knowledge increasingly influences the economic competitiveness of countries. The key elements of the KBE like education, innovation, ICT or operational institutions are indispensable for creating the KBE but also for countries’ economic development as such. Hence, a thorough study of KBE-related research results appears extremely stimulating. Having analysed the results of the World Bank’s research with reference to the CEE countries, it is worth pointing out that: CEE * 8,12 7,32 7,79 7,34 8.53 8.81 8.28 8.21 8.15 8.01 7.39 8.17 8.31 Czech Republic Estonia Hungary Latvia Lithuania Poland Romania Slovak Republic Slovenia Source: World Bank, KAM 2012. 7.35 7.43 6.51 5.46 7.04 7.81 7.67 7.81 8.57 7.18 4.25 +0.88 +1.66 +1.93 +0.97 +0.34 +0.54 +0.47 +0.24 +1.35 +3.10 8.50 7.30 6.14 7.16 6.82 6.56 8.15 7.75 7.90 6.94 Most recent Change INNOVATION 2000 ECONOMIC REGIME Most recent Bulgaria COUNTRY 8.21 7.08 5.24 6.86 6.42 6.31 8.03 7.17 7.50 5.76 2000 +0.29 +0.22 +0.90 +0.30 +0.40 +0.25 +0.12 +0.58 +0.40 +1.18 Change 7.42 7.42 7.55 7.76 8.64 7.73 8.42 8.60 8.15 6.25 Most recent EDUCATION Table 4. Over Time Comparison – the four pillars 7.72 7.06 6.37 8.11 8.00 7.72 8.17 8.61 7.56 7.31 2000 -0.30 +0.36 +1.18 -0.35 +0.64 +0.01 +0.25 -0.01 +0.59 -1.06 Change 7.80 7.68 6.19 6.70 7.59 7.16 7.23 8.44 7.96 6.66 Most recent ICT 8.23 7.46 5.56 6.92 6.78 7.09 7.25 8.22 7.62 6.24 2000 -0.43 +0.22 +0.63 -0.22 +0.81 +0.07 -0.02 +0.22 +0.34 +0.42 Change 156 Aleksandra Dyba 7.76 8.14 7.05 5.68 7.26 6.61 5.1 7.02 8.14 5.07 6.76 Rule of Law, 2009 Royalty Payments and receipts (US$/pop), 6.24 2009 7.31 Regulatory Quality, 2009 S&E Journal Articles / Mil, People, 2007 Patents Granted by USPTO / Mil, People, avg 2005-2009 Average Years of Schooling, 2010 Gross Secondary Enrolment rate, 2009 Gross Tertiary Enrolment rate, 2009 Total Telephones per 1,000 People, 2009 Computers per 1,000 People, 2008 Internet Users per 1,000 People, 2009 Source: World Bank, KAM 2012. 7.88 9.3 Tariff & Nontariff Barriers, 2011 8.14 8.01 7.72 7.73 6.97 9.76 7.81 8.42 9.3 Bulgaria Variable/Country Czech Republic 8.62 6.78 9.93 8.16 8.21 9.45 7.67 8.21 7.36 8.22 8.9 9.3 Estonia 8 6.78 6.9 8.01 7.86 9.37 7.95 7.93 8.56 7.47 8.08 9.3 Hungary 7.79 6.44 8.55 9.29 8.14 8.5 7.33 7.52 5.6 7.4 7.74 9.3 Lithuania 8.21 7.26 6 8.51 6.41 8.27 6.78 6.9 6 7.53 7.81 9.3 Latvia Table 5. Comparison by key variables (KAM 2012) 7.79 5.82 6.48 8.65 7.93 6.69 6.64 7.86 6.96 7.12 7.6 9.3 5.86 6.1 6.62 8.37 6.55 7.72 5.62 6.41 6.4 5.96 6.92 9.3 Poland Romania 8.9 8.63 5.52 7.23 6.28 8.74 7.05 7.79 7.04 7.05 8.15 9.3 Slovak Republic 8.14 7.81 7.45 9.72 7.59 4.96 8.29 8.97 8.24 8.15 7.47 9.3 8.33 7.95 8.05 7.75 8.21 7.63 8.14 8.32 8.16 8.28 8.47 8.98 Slovenia EU-27 The knowledge-based economy in the Central and Eastern European countries... 157 158 Aleksandra Dyba • significant disproportions within the CEE group as well as between the CEE group and the EU refer to the development of a knowledge-based economy, • EU countries such as Finland, Sweden and Denmark are leaders in creating the KBE; these countries achieved the best results on the EU and global scales, • Estonia is an unquestionable CEE leader in building the KBE, • the level of KBE development is the lowest in Bulgaria and Romania (forecast for these countries looks still promising as they are undergoing dynamic changes), • a large majority of countries saw a continuous upturn in both the KEI and KI indexes, which is very optimistic, • the best results were achieved in the Education pillar. While building their knowledge-based economies, the CEE countries should focus on the Innovation and ICT pillars as they report worse results there than in the others. Their good performance in Education is their strength, which looks promising in the long run because education is the driving force behind innovation and ICT. An effective education system may stimulate development in these two areas and the other way round. A healthy KBE cannot operate effectively without a successful interplay between all of the pillars. Bibliography Bătăgan L., Indicators for Knowledge Economy, Informatica Economică, No. 4 (44)/2007. Communication from The Commission – EUROPE 2020. A strategy for smart, sustainable and inclusive growth, COM (2010) 2020 final, Brussels, 3 March, 2010. ePolska – Plan działań na rzecz społeczeństwa informacyjnego w Polsce na lata 2001-2006 [The Action Plan for 2001-2006 on Developing Information Society in Poland], Ministerstwo Gospodarki [Ministry of Economy], 2001. Kamiński T., Fryca J., Majecka B. (eds.), Efektywność gospodarki opartej na wiedzy – teoria i praktyka [The Efficiency of the Knowledge-Based Economy. Theory and Practice], Gdańsk: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Gdańskiego, 2007. Kefela G.T., Knowledge-based economy and society has become a vital commodity to countries, International NGO Journal, Vol. 5 (7), 2010. Olszak C., Ziemba E. (eds.), Strategie i modele gospodarki elektronicznej [Strategies and Models for a Digital Economy], Warszawa: PWN, 2007. The knowledge-based economy in the Central and Eastern European countries... Piech K., The Knowledge-Based Economy in Central and East European Countries – a review of some research results and policies, http://akson. sgh.waw.pl/~kpiech/text/2004-kzif-KBE.pdf [accessed 2013-01-15]. Porwit K, Cechy gospodarki opartej na wiedzy, ich współczesne znaczenie i warunki skuteczności [Attributes of the Knowledge-Based Economy, Their Contemporary Relevance, and Conditionality for Their Efficiency], [in:] Antoni Kukliński (ed.), Gospodarka oparta na wiedzy jako wyzwanie dla Polski XXI wieku [Knowledge-Based Economy as a Challenge for Poland in the 21st Century], Warszawa: KBN, 2001. The Knowledge-Based Economy, General Distribution OCDE/GD (96)102, Organisation For Economic Co-Operation And Development, Paris 1996. The World Bank, Knowledge for Development – Knowledge Assessment Methodology, http://info.worldbank.org [accessed 2012-10-01]. 159 Jesús Sánchez Cotobal Key factors in the Spanish economic crisis Abstract: The aim of this paper is to analyse the determinants behind the crisis in Spain that made it deeper and longer than in the previous instances and which reflected some significant obstacles to emerging from the recession. The experience of over the past four years allows some lessons to be drawn on the external sector, the real estate market, fiscal policy and the labour market. These lessons point in particular to the need to avoid complacency in economic policy management in boom periods and urgent adapting the structure of goods and factor markets and the behaviour of economic agents in Spain to the requirements imposed by participation in the Monetary Union. Keywords: Spanish economy, economic crisis, competitiveness, real estate market, debt Introduction Based on the results of the research work by Eloisa Ortega and Juan Peñalosa from the Bank of Spain, the paper adopts a selective approach to this matter to focus on macroeconomic developments and non-financial economic policies. Responding to these issues, the author pays particular attention to developments that acted as catalysts of the recession or the subsequent adjustment, or that shed light on the effective possibilities of stabilisation by means of the economic policies implemented. Since 2007 the world economy has undergone a phase of marked instability. This has been characterised by successive shocks, feedback 162 Jesús Sánchez Cotobal effects between the financial and productive sectors, a rapidly deteriorated fiscal position of many countries, the difficulties faced by many of them in creating jobs once more and, lastly, the worsening euro area sovereign debt crisis. Undoubtedly, all of these factors are retarding the pace of emerging from the recession than initially expected and are heightening uncertainty considerably, especially in Europe. The Spanish economy was affected much by these developments as the imbalances which had been accumulated in the boom period made it particularly vulnerable to changes in macroeconomic and financial conditions, and expectations about the continuity of the upturn. The deterioration of the macroeconomic scenario and, most particularly, in employment bore most adversely on public finances and the position of financial institutions whose balance sheets showed greater exposure to real estate risk. Spain went into recession in the second quarter of 2008 and remained there until the first quarter of 2010, when a modest recovery ensued that came unstuck in the second half of 2011 as the sovereign debt crisis heightened and spread to an increasingly large number of countries. Finally, mention should be made of the enormous uncertainty, still clouding the outlook for the Spanish and European economies more than four years after the international financial crisis broke in light of the forceful strains prevailing on financial markets and the doubts surrounding the outcome of the sovereign debt crisis. Actually, such uncertainty restricts the prospective nature of the analysis that follows, one which mostly turns on the lessons that may be drawn from the experience of recent years. 1. Stylised facts of the periods of contraction (2008-2009) and stagnation (2010-2011) As one of the countries that experienced the most marked expansion in the previous period, Spain is now characterised by its heavy fall in employment, the difficulties in the recovery and the greater risks posed by a double-dip recession. Key factors in the Spanish economic crisis 1.1. The 2008-2009 contractionary cycle The employment adjustment was virulent and protracted (employment decline began in early 2008 and continued apace in late 2011) while productivity followed the same countercyclical pattern as in the previous recessionary episodes1. The scale of the contraction in 2008 and 2009 did not differ greatly from that in the main European countries. Exports and imports also suffered to a greater extent in the latest recession, which was related to the intensity of the adjustment in the Spanish national demand and the international nature of the 2009 crisis. On the supply side, the three episodes analysed were characterised by a strong decline in gross value added (GVA) in construction and a scant impact on services meaning that the differentiating factor of the latest recession was the significant fall-off in industrial GVA2. 1.2. The 2010-2011 stagnation The sluggishness of the recovery resulted from the continuing process involving the absorption of the imbalances built up in the upturn, which meant that residential investment continued to shrink and that private consumption was flat, given households’ deleveraging needs and the uncertain economic outlook3. Adding to these was the fiscal consolidation process which required cutting public investment and halting the previous expansion of government consumption as well as raising certain taxes. Thus, although GDP ceased to fall in late 2009, the national demand has continued adjusting downwards since, and might continue to do so in the near future. Accordingly, the pick-up in expenditure in this period was underpinned exclusively by the external demand with strong momentum in exports and some containment of imports, which provided for a substantial correction of the current account deficit from 1 2 3 L.J. Álvarez, A. Cabrero, The cyclical behaviour of residential investment: some stylised facts, Economic Bulletin, Banco de España, June 2010. Banco De España, Annual Report 2008. Chapters 1 and 2. Annual Report 2009. Chapter 1. Annual Report 2010. Chapter 2. J.M. Campa, Á. Gavilán, Current accounts in the euro area: an international approach, Documento de Trabajo, No. 0638, Banco de España, 2011. 163 164 Jesús Sánchez Cotobal 10% of GDP in 2007 to estimated 3.5% for 20114. As with the national demand in 2011, a contraction in the labour market did not end; employment was falling for 15 quarters, with a cumulative loss of around 10% in the jobs existing at the start of 2008. By productive branch, the Spanish employment in services showed a more moderate cumulative decline of 3%, given the weight of publicsector employment in this sector where the adjustment began only recently5. The pattern of weakness is apparent in the behaviour of all the productive branches: the rebound in industry – underpinned essentially by the expansion of exports – is not very different from that seen following the recession in the early 1990s although the starting point was a lower level of output then, whereas value added in construction continued falling and that in services was practically flat. The intensity of the effects of the crisis in Spain was scarcely tempered by the behaviour of prices and wages which, in fact, contributed insufficiently to absorbing the shocks and the adjustment of the economy. The average level of compensation per employee increased by around 5% in cumulative terms since 2008, while over the same period productivity rose by almost 10%, meaning that unit labour costs (ULCs) slowed down only modestly in the three years. However, this relative price and wage moderation was far from allowed for a substantial improvement in competitiveness. In terms of the real effective exchange rate (REER) visà-vis the developed countries, calculated on the basis of relative ULCs, a depreciation of 8% was brought about between 2008 and 2011, while in the 1992 crisis the figure amounted to 23% in a period of scarcely three years. In any event, the past experience of a large number of advanced economies and Spain’s own experience in the recent decades show that countries with a flexible exchange rate – and which, therefore, have the possibility of devaluing their national currency – are no more successful in maintaining or increasing their medium- and long-term competitiveness than those adopting a fixed exchange rate regime6. 4 5 6 F. Castro, A. Estrada, P. Hernández de Cos, F. Martí, Una aproximación al componente transitorio del saldo público en España, Boletín Económico del Banco de España, June 2008. F. Castro, Á. Estrada, P. Hernández de Cos, F. Martí, Una aproximación al componente transitorio del saldo público en España, Boletín Económico del Banco de España, June 2011. P. Cuadrado, P. Hernández de Cos and M. Izquierdo, Wage adjustment to shocks in Spain, Economic Bulletin, Banco de España, April 2011. Key factors in the Spanish economic crisis 2. Determinants of the crisis and the macroeconomic adjustment in Spain The intensity of the effects of the Spanish economic crisis and the sluggishness in the present crisis are related to the scale of the imbalances accumulated and the virulence of the shocks undergone, including most notably the protracted euro area sovereign debt crisis, which is giving rise to powerful contractionary effects on financing conditions and confidence. Furthermore, the adjustment phase is actually being influenced by certain idiosyncratic developments in the Spanish economy, whether for its exposure to shock that affected it asymmetrically compared with other European countries or for certain institutional characteristics bearing on some adjustment mechanisms. Indeed, the interaction of the slowdown in activity in the residential construction sector with the effects of the financial crisis prevented real estate excesses from being corrected more gradually. On the contrary, all the channels through which developments in the real estate sector spread to the rest of the economy were activated, contributing to amplifying the recession7. The slowdown in the household demand for housing in response to tighter financing conditions and the downturn in confidence prompted a decline in housing starts and residential construction, and a turnaround in house prices which began to fall in the second quarter of 2008. The subsequent economy-wide reduction in output and employment coupled with the fall in real estate prices had a direct contractionary effect on disposable income and wealth. This triggered a series of second-round effects on the residential investment, activities in the sector and its ancillary industries, and, once more, employment8. Furthermore, the particular characteristics of the residential construction sector, which is strongly leveraged and where the housing production period is prolonged (no less than two years), meant that, in 2008 and 2009, housing started before the beginning of the crisis continued to be built and real estate firms took on heavy debt as they could not – following the usual cycle – free themselves of their financial burden through the sale of this real estate. As a result, a large stock of un- 7 8 Á. Estrada, J.F. Jimeno, J.L. Malo de Molina, The Spanish economy in EMU: the first ten years, Documentos Ocasionales, No. 0901, Banco de España 2009. C.L. Freund, Current account adjustment in industrialized countries, International Finance Discussion Papers, No. 692, Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, December 2000. 165 166 Jesús Sánchez Cotobal sold housing emerged in those years, which depressed prices and erased prospects of a prompt recovery in the sector, leading to a collapse in the number of housing starts9. These circumstances saw a substantial increase in real estate company defaults and the bankruptcy of some, while balance sheets of certain banks were impaired. The adjustment of house prices was proving greater than the one recorded in the cycles of the late 1970s and early 1990s. The strong volatility of residential investment and house prices, along with the cyclical implications entailed, are key aspects for drawing lessons about the future. The workings of the labour market are also an essential factor for understanding the dynamics and depth of the crisis. Obviously, the Monetary Union in Europe has a single monetary policy and currency, limits on fiscal policy discretion and frictions in the area-wide functioning of the factor and product markets10. Against this background, adjustment channels must work efficiently to correct the potential disequilibria that may arise as a result of the misalignment of competitiveness or absorb the emergence of shocks with the least possible upheaval. The pressing task to correct this imbalance involved the immediate activation of the adjustment channel through which competitiveness operates. Consequently, in the Monetary Union the countries with the highest inflation will undergo losses in competitiveness that ultimately reduce exports and increase import penetration. 3. Lessons from the crisis Spain persistently posted an external deficit of some size related to the sustainable external deficit in the Monetary Union. This was due, at least in part, to the fact that the Spanish economy was less developed than that of its main European peers, which meant greater investment opportunities in the country (or a bigger return on such investment projects) and a shortfall in its national saving to cover these investment 9 A. Gavilán, P. Hernandez de Cos, J.F. Jimeno, J.A. Rojas, Fiscal policy, structural reforms and external imbalances: a quantitative evaluation for Spain, Moneda y Crédito, 2011, No. 232. 10 P. Hernández de Cos, The reform of the fiscal framework in Spain: constitutional limits and the new public spending growth rule, Economic Bulletin, Banco de España, October 2011. Key factors in the Spanish economic crisis possibilities11. Yet, at the same time, the Spanish external deficit reflected the Spanish economy’s inability to avail itself of a sufficient degree of macroeconomic stability, which led to a regular loss of competitiveness in upturns and an increase in its external deficit, which had to be corrected with likewise regular devaluations of the peseta, the mechanism for temporarily re-balancing the external shortfall. Spain’s accession to EMU in 1999 involved in this respect two fundamental elements. Firstly, Spain joined the union with a single currency and fully liberalised capital movements, leading to the anticipation that investment opportunities arising in Spain would more readily take advantage of through resort to external saving, since the euro would provide for confidence in the Spanish economy by eliminating the possibility of devaluation. Therefore, the external constraint would not be as demanding as when the peseta was in place, nor would there be such an evident external deficit limit which, once exceeded, was to set in train speculative attacks or pressures on the national currency. Secondly, the Spanish EMU membership removed the possibility of regularly correcting the country’s competitive position through resort to devaluations. Accordingly, the financing of any future external deficits in the Monetary Union would be more straightforward; but it needs to be borne in mind that if such deficits reached a high level, if the competitiveness worsened substantially or if the net external demand detracted significantly from growth, the exchange rate could not be used as an instrument to swiftly improve the competitiveness of domestic production, correct the external deficit and promote export-led activity12. Thus, the absence of this instrument would require flexible cost and price developments to ensure the competitiveness of domestic production. Nonetheless, subsequent events could show that the external constraint remained fully operative in the EMU. The fact that the higher external deficit during the expansion as a result of the real estate boom and, in general, the sharp increase in household and corporate debt is key to understand this turnaround in the markets’ perception of risk. Analysis of the breakdown of the nation’s net borrowing in terms of the contribution of each institutional sector shows that the external deficit was basically due to the strongly increased net borrowing of non-finan- 11 P. Hernández de Cos, E. Moral-Benito, Endogenous fiscal consolidations, Documentos Ocasionales, No. 1102, Banco de España, 2011. 12 E. Leamer, Housing is the Business Cycle, Federal Reserve Bank of Kansas City, Jackson Hole, Wyoming, September 2007. 167 168 Jesús Sánchez Cotobal cial corporations and the fact that the traditional creditor position of the household sector became a debtor position in the expansion years13. Admittedly, the role of the general government sector offset this to some extent, but insufficiently so to contain the external deficit and, as it is analysed later, to ensure the sustainability of public finances when the extraordinary income underpinning that position petered out. The global financial crisis, the Spanish real estate collapse which deteriorated its fiscal positions and growth prospects, and, finally, the inadequacy of European governance to confront the severe difficulties that arose in several countries as a result of the crisis spread shaped a scenario in which high debt, both vis-à-vis the external sector and on the part of the national private sector vis-à-vis banks, emerged as a considerable source of risk. Indeed, a change in the means to finance the external deficit began to be seen since 2008, with the funds obtained through the sale of government securities and short-term funds accounting for a greater weight relative to the resources raised through the issuance of covered bonds and asset securitisations which were predominant during the years of the economic expansion. In parallel, the external financing moved on a progressively more costly trajectory which left Spain vulnerable to the gridlock in funding flows that would arise recurrently thereafter. The scale of the external deficit overshot in Spain during the expansion and the difficulty of reversing it within the Monetary Union validates the recommendations pre-emptively formulated. To assume the constraints imposed by membership in the Monetary Union, which are a logical counterpoint to the enormous benefits accruing, firstly, such an acute deterioration in the external deficit should have been prevented and, secondly, greater leeway to manage domestically controlled economic policy instruments in the event of tensions or the risks of a crisis arising was necessary14. A more restrictive fiscal policy and greater liberalisation of the goods and factor markets would have been of fundamental assistance in tackling the events unleashed by the crisis: on the one hand, because they would have reduced national demand pressures, leading to a more balanced foreign trade account with lower prices and higher wages and more favourable developments in competitive- 13 P. L’Hotellerie, J. Peñalosa, El diagnóstico del déficit exterior español dentro de la UEM, Cuadernos de Información Económica, 2008, No. 192. 14 C. Martínez Mongay, L.A. Maza, J. Yániz, Asset Booms and Tax Receipts: The case of Spain, 1995-2006, European Commission, Economic Papers, November 2007, No. 293. Key factors in the Spanish economic crisis ness; and on the other hand, because during the crisis the room for manoeuvres of fiscal policy would have been greater and market flexibility would have provided for a better response to recessionary pressures, with a greater price adjustment rather than a volume-based adjustment as it was actually observed. Finally, the mark left by the recent crisis in Spain in the form of a burgeoning unemployment rate and a pressing need to resolve major imbalances such as the fiscal deficit should change the way we address future expansionary phases, paying greater heed to macroeconomic constraints and the demands for forming part of the Monetary Union. Looking ahead and judging by the events over the recent years, the possibilities of such situations recurring have lessened considerably. First, because the financial markets are probably going to introduce, on a permanent basis, an element of discipline into economic policy conduct, discipline which was practically absent during the upturn. Second, because a procedure for monitoring macroeconomic imbalances in the euro area has been included in European governance mechanisms; and here, the external deficit, price-competitiveness indicators, the budget deficit and private-sector debt will play a key role. 4. The real estate market Two features of the housing market are essential: investment in this market is susceptible to show the most substantial changes since market expectations (in prices and in activity) may exert a considerable influence on market dynamics. Furthermore, it is the most employment-intensive sector and is linked to other productive branches and to other economic decisions, meaning that, when it goes into the crisis, it not only has very powerful direct effects but also drags down certain industrial and services branches, and adversely affects household spending decisions. This form of adjustment means that, in short term, a large quantity of labour is driven out the market. And this gives rise unfailingly to a hike in the unemployment rate in the absence of buoyancy in other productive sectors, extensive labour market flexibility or a sufficient level of training on the part of the labour affected (pre-requisites which Spain clearly failed to meet). At the same time, these periods of traumatic adjustment have the most adverse financial consequences in that residential con- 169 170 Jesús Sánchez Cotobal struction is a highly credit-intensive activity. This form of adjustment means that, in a short time, a large quantity of labour is driven out the market. This originated in the US housing market and spread through financial systems which play a key role in underpinning residential activity and which today still face serious difficulties in the context of the euro area crisis. But, in any event, even in the absence of the severe international shocks that broke in 2007, Spain would likely have ultimately undergone a real estate crisis, simply because the trajectory of prices and of real and financial resources concentrated in the sector was not sustainable. Once this dynamic has unwound, there is a risk that the excesses will be absorbed chaotically since this is a market where expectations, the behaviour of other agents and confidence play a vital role. And these latter variables are liable to change very quickly, triggering sharp movements in spending decisions and, in short, in the main macroeconomic variables, such as activity and employment. In sum, the events in this crisis show a key role of the real estate market in generating macroeconomic imbalances. Along with these, and as it was the case with the external deficit, measures to make the labour market more flexible would be beneficial, enabling the potential labour surpluses in one sector to be relocated with greater flexibility into others and having wages transmit a clearer signal of relative labour shortages or surpluses in different sectors. 5. The role of fiscal policy The budgetary policy stance has shown a relatively high degree of synchrony in recent years across the European countries, with a markedly expansionary thrust in the early years of the crisis that turned contractionary since 2010, once the sovereign debt crisis began in Europe. This should not, however, mask the fact that the debate continues to surround the actual stabilising the capacity of fiscal policy, the debate that has been rekindled owing to the scale the debt crisis has reached. Questions such as the size of the fiscal multipliers, the measures that boost the stabilising capacity of fiscal policy and the conditions under which fiscal consolidations are the most successful, are not free from controversy. Key factors in the Spanish economic crisis The experience from the past recessions in Spain has suggested that a budgetary policy going beyond the use of the automatic stabilisers would ultimately bring about a rapid deterioration in the status of public finances. In this respect, the deficit recently overshot has revealed the existence of certain fragilities in institutional arrangements and of errors in the diagnosis of the stabilising capacity of fiscal policy. It would be worth considering these in order to prevent their future recurrence15. Nor were potential differences in the channels through which the crisis spreads, and, therefore, in the scale and persistence of the contraction, taken into account. In Spain, a not-inconsiderable portion of the tax revenue raised in the expansion years was known to be due to the buoyancy of real estate activity, but it was difficult to estimate the scale of such revenue with the usual fiscal balance breakdown techniques. Indeed, the difficulty in accurately measuring the structural component of revenue led to the risks underlying the public finances position to be minimised and limited the primary-expenditure-adjustment drive during the expansion years. The experience of the recent years has confirmed the factors of vulnerability underlying the functioning of the labour market. While the essentially endogenous nature of the changes, closely linked to the boom under way, had been anticipated, the buoyancy of employment during the upturn had led to an overestimation of the real improvement in its fundamentals and, in particular, of its adjustment capacity in the face of shocks. There were serious consequences to this mistaken perception. For one thing, the scale of the contraction in employment that might accompany the adjustment of the real estate sector was underestimated, regarding both the size of the cut in employment in the sector and the indirect effects that the cut could trigger. Likewise, the role that employment as a whole could play as an amplifier of the effects of the crisis might have been underestimated. 15 J.L. Malo de Molina, La financiación del auge de la economía española, Economistas (2006), No. 108. – La complejidad de la salida de la crisis en España, Economistas (2010), No. 123. – El papel y los límites de las políticas económicas: fiscal, monetaria y macroprudencial, Economistas (2011a), No. 128. – La crisis y las insuficiencias de la arquitectura institucional de la moneda única. Información Comercial Española, Revista de Economía (2011b). – La crisis de la deuda soberana y la recaída de la economía española, Economistas (2012). 171 172 Jesús Sánchez Cotobal But, above all, this view of the functioning of the labour market detracted from the importance of the need to see through the unfinished institutional and structural changes that smooth participation in the EMU required. Even when the scale of the problem unfolding in terms of unemployment was evident, the aforementioned mistaken view led to a delay in acknowledging the need to adopt sufficiently ambitious measures. In June 2010, the first steps were taken to attempt to address the underlying problems, when a reform of hiring arrangements was approved, followed in July 2011 by that of collective bargaining. In both cases what was involved were partial reforms of a very limited impact, although their entry into force came about at a time the economic and financial climate was deteriorating notably. In any event, they illustrate the scant effectiveness of partial and fragmentary reforms. Compounding the labour market inefficiency problems were the changes in the pattern of behaviour of labour supply, which clearly moved into a slowing phase and saw its possibilities of future expansion reduced16. This is largely due to the response to the cyclical change by immigration, the rate of increase in which was drastically cut in the past, to the point of declines in net migratory flows being recorded in 2011. Lastly, the abundant availability of unskilled labour during the expansion years helped entrench a pattern of productive specialisation that was very unbalanced and which, as indicated, would prove unsustainable. The development of this labour-intensive model of specialisation muffled the signals stemming from the far-reaching transformation of the productive structure at a global level and delayed the adjustments to processes required in our increasingly globalised and competitive world. Conclusions In Spain, the emergence from the recession is conditional upon the imbalances previously built up being absorbed and the virulence of the shocks. The adjustment of the real estate sector is ongoing and the deleveraging of households and firms is moving ahead, albeit slowly, in a financial environment severely affected by the sovereign debt crisis, which reflects, for example, shortcomings in the euro area’s initial in- 16 J.M. Marqués, L.A. Maza, M. Rubio, A comparison of recent real estate cycles in Spain, the United States and the United Kingdom, Economic Bulletin, Banco de España, January 2010. Key factors in the Spanish economic crisis stitutional design17. In addition, the adjustment of the Spanish economy continues to evidence a series of distinctive features – especially in price- and wage-setting – that reveal the insufficient adaptation of agents’ behaviour to the macroeconomic stability required by EMU membership. Finally, the need to redress the vulnerable public finances situation calls for ambitious fiscal consolidation plans, which also conditions the exit trajectory from the crisis. The Spanish economy’s experience over the past four years allows certain lessons to be drawn on the external sector, real estate market, fiscal policy and labour market. The external deficit is a variable of singular importance in the Monetary Union18. The events of the recent years show that the accumulation of excessive deficits will ultimately be punished by financial markets which, under certain circumstances, may re-establish country risk and, by this means, hamper the financing of deficits. And this is all the more so if the external deficits were largely the consequence of a strong increase in private-sector debt geared essentially to residential investment, alongside persistent losses in competitiveness vis-à-vis the external sector19. The Spanish case reveals, moreover, the difficulties of digesting household and business deleveraging processes that are strongly linked to real estate activities. And the latter ones, in turn, have adverse effects on bank balance sheets and, in general, on the financing conditions under which the economy necessarily operates. In sum, the Spanish economy faces an extremely complex task that requires, along with resolute measures in the European arena to push forward the reform of the institutional framework of the Monetary Union and the design of crisis-management mechanisms, compliance with the unavoidable commitment to fiscal consolidation and the introduction of ambitious reforms on various fronts20. This would allow, on the one hand, confidence to be restored and, on the other hand, the economic adjustment to be accelerated, having the adjustment channelled more through changes in prices and costs, and minimising its impact on employment and activity. The long expansion until 2007, the severity 17 L.Á. Maza, J. Peñalosa, The residential investment adjustment in Spain: the current situation, Economic Bulletin, Banco de España, December 2010. 18 G. Nuño, The process of economic adjustment following financial crises: a historical perspective, Economic Bulletin, Banco de España, October 2011. 19 J. Pisani-Ferry, A. Sapir, G.B. Wolff, An evaluation of IMF surveillance of the euro area, 2011. 20 P. Rother, L. Schuknecht, J. Stark, The benefits of fiscal consolidation in uncharted waters, Occasional Paper ECB, 2010, No. 121. 173 174 Jesús Sánchez Cotobal of the crisis and the difficulties in kick-starting the economy have left us several lessons. These warn, in particular, of the need to avoid complacency in economic policy management in boom phases and the urgency of adapting the structure of the goods and factor markets and agents’ behaviour in Spain to the requirements the Monetary Union imposes21. Bibliography Álvarez L.J., Cabrero A., The cyclical behaviour of residential investment: some stylised facts, Economic Bulletin, Banco de España, June 2010. Banco De España, Annual Report 2008. Chapters 1 and 2. Annual Report 2009. Chapter 1. Annual Report 2010. Chapter 2. Campa J.M., Gavilán Á., Current accounts in the euro area: an international approach, Documento de Trabajo, No. 0638, Banco de España, 2011. Castro F., Estrada A., Hernández de Cos P., Martí F., Una aproximación al componente transitorio del saldo público en España, Boletín Económico del Banco de España, June 2008. Castro F., Estrada Á., Hernández de Cos P., Martí F., Una aproximación al componente transitorio del saldo público en España, Boletín Económico del Banco de España, June 2011. Cuadrado P., Hernández de Cos P., Izquierdo M., Wage adjustment to shocks in Spain, Economic Bulletin, Banco de España, April 2011. Estrada Á., Jimeno J.F., Malo de Molina J.L., The Spanish economy in EMU: the first ten years, Documentos Ocasionales, No. 0901, Banco de España 2009. Freund C.L., Current account adjustment in industrialized countries, International Finance Discussion Papers, No. 692, Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, December 2000. Gavilán A., Hernandez de Cos P., Jimeno J.F., Rojas J.A., Fiscal policy, structural reforms and external imbalances: a quantitative evaluation for Spain, Moneda y Crédito, 2011, No. 232. Hernández de Cos P., Moral-Benito E., Endogenous fiscal consolidations, Documentos Ocasionales, No. 1102, Banco de España, 2011. Hernández de Cos P., The reform of the fiscal framework in Spain: constitutional limits and the new public spending growth rule, Economic Bulletin, Banco de España, October 2011. 21 J. Suárez, The Spanish crisis: Background and policy challenges, Discussion Paper Series, No. 7909, CEPR, London 2010. Key factors in the Spanish economic crisis L’Hotellerie P., Peñalosa J., El diagnóstico del déficit exterior español dentro de la UEM, Cuadernos de Información Económica, 2008, No. 192. Leamer E., Housing is the Business Cycle, Federal Reserve Bank of Kansas City, Jackson Hole, Wyoming, September 2007. Malo de Molina J.L., El papel y los límites de las políticas económicas: fiscal, monetaria y macroprudencial, Economistas (2011a), No. 128. Malo de Molina J.L., La complejidad de la salida de la crisis en España, Economistas (2010), No. 123. Malo de Molina J.L., La crisis de la deuda soberana y la recaída de la economía española, Economistas (2012). Malo de Molina J.L., La crisis y las insuficiencias de la arquitectura institucional de la moneda única. Información Comercial Española, Revista de Economía (2011b). Malo de Molina J.L., La financiación del auge de la economía española, Economistas (2006), No. 108. Marqués J.M., Maza L.A., Rubio M., A comparison of recent real estate cycles in Spain, the United States and the United Kingdom, Economic Bulletin, Banco de España, January 2010. Martínez Mongay C., Maza L.A., Yániz J., Asset Booms and Tax Receipts: The case of Spain, 1995-2006, European Commission, Economic Papers, November 2007, No. 293. Maza L.Á., Peñalosa J., The residential investment adjustment in Spain: the current situation, Economic Bulletin, Banco de España, December 2010. Nuño G., The process of economic adjustment following financial crises: a historical perspective, Economic Bulletin, Banco de España, October 2011. Pisani-Ferry J., Sapir A., Wolff G.B., An evaluation of IMF surveillance of the euro area, 2011. Rother P., Schuknecht L., Stark J., The benefits of fiscal consolidation in uncharted waters, Occasional Paper ECB, 2010, No. 121. Suárez J., The Spanish crisis: Background and policy challenges, Discussion Paper Series, No. 7909, CEPR, London 2010. 175 Book Reviews Henryk Ponikowski Book review: Polityka kohezji i konwergencja gospodarcza regionów Polski oraz krajów Unii Europejskiej. Wybrane zagadnienia Sławomir I. Bukowski (ed.), Polityka kohezji i konwergencja gospodarcza regionów Polski oraz krajów Unii Europejskiej. Wybrane zagadnienia [Cohesion Policy and Economic Convergence in the Regions of Poland and EU Member States. Selected Issues], Warszawa: Difin, 2011. Giving aid to the countries and regions which suffer from developmental problems is certainly a principal objective of European integration. Therefore, any developmental delays determine the main directions of the EU’s regional policy. A variety of economic integration mechanisms and objectives can be employed under this policy. Both the literature and practice of economic activities give priority to the need to integrate economic structures that could create synergy. The continuing debate about whether this policy is efficient enough at reducing regional disparities has resulted in publishing another book on the EU cohesion policy in terms of the effect of economic convergence. Can the imitation of economic, technological, social, institutional, cultural or political processes be still called as convergence? This imitation is often top-down. Although such an approach may reduce the 180 Henryk Ponikowski developmental gap, it does not create added value, and thus the Lisbon Strategy has not proved true. While studying economic convergence, the capabilities of endogenous potential of central and peripheral areas of development should not be the only issue examined. It is important to remember that the process of leaching resources from peripheral areas into central ones is possible after all. The functions of these areas are also significant for the process of convergence. The literature recognises the concept of three types of capital: economic, social and cultural which just generate disparities. The economic (and political) capital is prevailing in central areas of development, whereas the cultural one generally plays a compensating role in peripheral ones. The phenomenon of separating politics from causative power, as Z. Bauman said, is not also negligible in economic convergence. Politics is typical of a local, regional, national or even EU level, whereas causative power of a global level. Transnational corporations of their fuzzy location possess causative power. Regional policy-makers are incapable of competing with global players’ power. The ideal situation for convergence processes would be to combine activities by these two players who have completely divergent interests. The essential question refers, therefore, to the causative power of convergence processes, or who should do this and not about politics as we know what should be done. The six-chapter collective work was written by four authors: Sławomir I. Bukowski (one chapter), Danuta Mokrosińska (three chapters), Eliza Frejtag-Mika (one chapter) and Szymon Jędraska (one chapter). They are academic staff at the Faculty of Economics and Engineering at Bolesław Markowski Higher School of Commerce in Kielce. S.I. Bukowski and E. Frejtag-Mika are also representatives of the Faculty of Economics at Kazimierz Pułaski University of Technology and Humanities in Radom. The monograph is 184 pages long. The book is composed of two distinct parts, i.e. theoretical and empirical. The first chapter by S.I. Bukowski, making the theoretical part, deals with the issues of the Economic and Monetary Union in terms of the theory of international economic integration. The author focuses on the effects, benefits and costs of this union referring to both country and regional problems discussed in view of the concept of the new economic geography. In the second chapter, D. Mokrosińska describes the origins, evolution, dimensions, objectives and functions of the European Union cohesion policy. Also, some financial instruments, the assessment of efficiency and possible directions of the change in the policy in the new programming periods are discussed. The sixth chapter Book review: Polityka kohezji i konwergencja gospodarcza regionów Polski oraz krajów UE by E. Frejtag-Mika deals with the place of Europe in a globalised world dominated by an uncertain global order. The concern for the future of Europe results from pervasive economic imbalances and insolvency, and the need to create special packages to help the Eurozone states. This situation is not favourable for the processes of economic convergence. The third and fourth chapter by D. Mokrosińska and fifth one by Sz. Jędraska make the empirical part of this book. The convergence of 1999-2007, i.e. before the 2007-2013 EU programming period is empirically analysed here. The economic activity, employment and unemployment, and enterprise structure are examined by classifying economic activities in sections for Poland and some selected countries such as the Czech Republic, Spain, Germany, Slovakia, and Italy. Unfortunately, the authors focus less on the regional dimension in the empirical part. Actually, these issues are presented in two appendixed tables only. These regional aspects are the core of the EU cohesion policy; hence the processes of regional convergence seem to be more intriguing. The analyses relating to a national level prove that Poland, the Czech Republic and Slovakia as countries with the lowest GDP were quickly coming up with developmental delays and reached much more dynamic development. If the dispersion of nominal GDP per capita in NUTS 1 regions in these six EU Member States in 1999-2007 is examined, regional disparities turn out to have increased just in the countries with a lower level of development. This phenomenon is supported by the increased value of the coefficient of variation in 2007 as compared to 1999 in the Czech Republic – from 38% to 51%, Poland – from 19% to 22%, and Slovakia – from 56% to 66%. Simultaneously, regional differentiation decreased in Spain – from 23% to 20%, Germany – from 29% to 28%, and Italy from 30% to 29%. To sum up, regarding the results provided by the authors and the experience gained in the 2007-2013 programming period, though not covered by this monograph, it should be stated that balancing the levels of development and development efficiency remains a current dilemma of the EU’s regional policy. The authors raise this issue already in the introduction, claiming that both the EU cohesion and efficiency of economic convergence processes still arouse controversy; and these dilemmas are also discussed in the last chapter. 181 Jarosław Kuśpit Book review: Europejska polityka sąsiedztwa Unii Europejskiej wobec państw Europy Wschodniej Igor Lyubashenko, Europejska polityka sąsiedztwa Unii Europejskiej wobec państw Europy Wschodniej [The European Neighbourhood Policy towards the East European States], Toruń: Dom Wydawniczy DUET, 2012. The European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) is an initiative run within the European Union’s external policy. Its launch is closely linked to the territorial EU enlargement in 2004 and 2007 and, as the author rightly notices, this enlargement was followed by a number of factors that inhibited the dynamics of accession of new member states. The Community, therefore, recognised the need for an active policy towards its neighbouring countries though with no clear perspective for their membership. For its geographical location, economic and political interests, Poland finds the relationship between the EU and the East European States pivotal. It should be noticed that the ENP refers to Poland’s relationship with the Republic of Belarus, the Republic of Moldova, and Ukraine. As an area of research, the European Neighbourhood Policy has been hardly studied in detail and discussed in Polish research literature. The monograph successfully and comprehensively presents this instrument. It should be noticed that the aspects of the ENP are studied as 184 Jarosław Kuśpit broadly as possible here unlike in the previous works which basically have focused on the ENP policy and energy security. This five chapter monograph opens with an introduction and closes with a summary. The first introductory chapter dedicated to the origin and essence of the European Neighbourhood Policy examines the theoretical foundations of the EU’s ability to be internationally influential. The political and economic situations in Belarus, Moldova and Ukraine before launching the ENP are studied here, which can be called a kind of opening report. The discussion in the second chapter on the factors that impact on the implementation of the ENP is noteworthy and valuable, especially if the effects of this policy are to be correctly explained. The author classifies these factors into three main groups: related with the EU as a subject of the ENP, related with the East European countries as objects of this policy, and related with the role of the Russian Federation’s policy. One should not miss three particularly interesting issues examined in this part of the monograph. The first one regards a consensus at an EU’s level about the general concept of the ENP towards the states of Eastern Europe. Unfortunately, as emphasised here, different objectives and measures implemented by the entities carrying out this policy, i.e. the EU bodies and national governments of Member States are simply a normal state. The second issue refers to the fact that a target condition of political relations is not defined brings about the limited efficiency of this policy. This hinders absorption by the countries that are subjects of this policy and coordination by the EU. The ENP’s economic objective is more accurately identified and involves the creation of a free trade area between the EU and the East European States. The focus is put on the fact that such an area is supposed to be more advanced than classical B. Balassa’s definition says because free transfer of goods, services, and capital is assumed there. The last issue, as the author correctly notices, concerns the fact that the nature and efficiency of the ENP towards the Eastern European countries cannot be studied if the impact of the Russian Federation’s policy is neglected. This follows from that many European Union Members States in their foreign policy give priority to their relations with Russia as well as the status of East European States in Russia’s strategy for its foreign policy. Therefore, the opinion held in this monograph that the countries of Eastern Europe are an area of confrontation between Russia’s hard and direct Realpolitik and the EU’s soft and normative policy. Book review: Europejska polityka sąsiedztwa Unii Europejskiej wobec państw Europy Wschodniej The third chapter describes the institutional mechanism of the European Neighbourhood Policy, presenting its basic normative acts and the role of the bodies involved at different levels in its implementation. Political and financial instruments applied to implement policies towards the East European States are also examined here. The effects of the policy in key thematic areas are studied in the next chapter. The author discusses the changes that occurred while implementing the ENP in the countries of Eastern Europe. The analysis carried out from the view point of the East European States, i.e. the subjects of ENP is to demonstrate the effects of the EU policy in these states. It may be doubtful, of course, as to whether all changes can be clearly linked to the implementation of the ENP. However, the mere assignment of these changes to the thematic areas specified in the policy assumptions is cognitively valuable. The last chapter is an attempt to assess the current EU’s policy towards the East European countries. On the one hand, it is a synthetic summary of the previous considerations, and on the other, based on a qualitative analysis, it shows the strengths and weaknesses of the already implemented ENP. Thus, this assessment can be regarded as a sort of recommendations how to modify successfully the existing policy. Finally, the author considers possible scenarios of further development of the ENP, indicating those that seem the most likely. Although this monograph is definitely excellent, unfortunately, the data beyond 2009 is not examined here. Given the nature of the ENP, one can wonder how the implementation and effects of this policy were impacted by the economic crisis? Will the economies of East European countries be more involved in the development of economic cooperation with the EU during the recession? Or quite the contrary, will they direct their policy to strengthen economic ties with Russia to secure supplies of energy raw materials? Are not the economic crisis in the EU and problems of the Eurozone undermining the attractiveness of the EU Member States to the East European States? Will not the internal problems in the EU weaken the Community’s interest in developing and financing the ENP? These questions seem to be reasonable and should encourage the author to continue his research on the ENP towards the countries of Eastern Europe he started so successfully here. 185 Bartosz Jóźwik Book review: Państwa bałtyckie i Europy Wschodniej. Reakcja na światowy kryzys gospodarczy i regionalny kryzys gazowy Krzysztof Falkowski, Eufemia Teichmann (eds.), Państwa bałtyckie i Europy Wschodniej. Reakcja na światowy kryzys gospodarczy i regionalny kryzys gazowy [Baltic and East European States. Reaction to World Economic Crisis and Regional Gas Crisis], Warszawa: Oficyna Wydawnicza Szkoły Głównej Handlowej, 2010. The recent economic crisis was a kind of test for many economies, including those in the Baltic and East European countries. The monograph Baltic and East European States. Reaction to World Economic Crisis and Regional Gas Crisis, edited by Krzysztof Falkowski and Eufemia Teichmann, addresses not only the main problems faced by these countries because of the economic crisis but also identifies some areas that urgently need reforming. The monograph is composed of eight chapters, grouped into two thematic parts, each accompanied by a summary. The first part discusses the reaction of the Baltic States, Belarus, Ukraine, and Russia to the global financial crisis. The causes, course and consequences of the global financial crisis and economic recession 188 Bartosz Jóźwik in these countries have been analysed against the developments in the world and the European Union. The paper by Eufemia Teichmann describes how the economies and economic policies of Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia, or small, posttransformational EU Member States responded to the challenge of the global financial crisis and economic recession in 2008-2009. Paying particular attention to the new Member States (EU-10), she clearly discusses the global financial crisis and economic recession and describes its course in the European Union. The detailed description of the economic recession and financial crisis in the Baltic States is followed by the political response of the world, EU and Baltic States to the financial and economic crisis. Krzysztof Falkowski’s paper Russia, Belarus and Ukraine against world financial crisis and economic recession shows his intimate knowledge of the issue. He attempts to analyse the root causes and effects of the crisis and economic recession and the anti-crisis measures taken in these three countries of the Commonwealth of Independent States he has selected on purpose. These countries are the closest neighbours of Poland, and thus of the European Union which have strongly felt the negative consequences of the crisis. The crisis faced by these states proved conclusively that Belarus and Ukraine were incapable of coping with those consequences on their own. Moreover, the paper discusses the impact of the economic recession in the Baltic States on the development of their trade and investment relations with Poland. The facts and arguments are provided by the author in line with the requirements for academic publishing. The paper by Łukasz Ambroziak and Marzena Błaszczuk-Zawiła Poland’s trade and investment relations with the Baltic States – five years after the EU enlargement and within economic crisis of 2008-2009 indicates that Poland’s accession to the European Union contributed to improving cooperation. Turnover increasingly boosted over these five years although Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania continue to be relatively of little importance for Poland’s trade. In the international production chain, these countries are suppliers of intermediate goods to Poland and recipients of consumer goods from Poland. The authors point out that certain positive trends were also noticed in investment cooperation which, however, remained relatively insignificant. Unfortunately, the economic crisis has contributed to weakening economic cooperation. The papers in the second part of the monograph focus on the regional problem of the Russian-Ukrainian gas crisis in early 2009. Ireneusz Bil and Honorata Nyga-Łukaszewska in their highly content-related pa- Book review: Państwa bałtyckie i Europy Wschodniej per European Union’s Energy Policy in view of gas crisis in January 2009 claim that this crisis was one of the first real tests for the energy security in the European Union which had been hardly interested in this issue before. The authors say that, against widespread beliefs, the significance of Russia as a gas supplier to the EU is relatively minor although it is geographically diverse. Western Europe has got large, consolidated markets of energy with diversified suppliers, whereas the markets in Eastern Europe are small and heavily dependent on Russia, with little opportunity to gain an additional amount of gas for their hardly diversified imports and no infrastructure. Therefore, the authors focus on the area that needs special approaching and solutions, i.e. further integration of energy markets in the EU and the diversification of supply in terms of geography, suppliers, transit routes and forms of fuel like natural gas or LNG. The next two papers analyse the gas crisis in view of Ukrainian and Belarusian energy policy. Marcelina Gołębiewska in her paper Origin and effects of Kiev-Moscow gas crisis from perspective of Ukraine focuses on a very important issue of the gas crisis which is seen as the next stage of the long-term Russian-Ukrainian conflict over natural gas. She points out that as long as Russia felt the short term effects of the gas crisis in 2009 and the impact of the economic crisis on the economy and gas industry, Ukraine faced the overlapping short- and long-term effects of the gas crisis and the impact of the economic crisis. Jan Pieriegud’s paper Impact of Russian-Ukrainian gas conflict and Gazprom’s pricing policy on economy of Belarus as a transit country discusses the changes in the demand for natural gas in Europe and the changes since 2006 in Gazprom’s policy in shaping prices for natural gas. Also, the paper describes some projects on constructing new gas pipelines as an alternative to the Russia-to-European countries supply via Belarus. The last two papers deal with energy security. Stanisław Cios’ paper Political and business background of planned gas pipelines – Nord Stream, South Stream, and Nabucco discusses the concept of enhancing the security of natural gas supply in the European Union. Above all, he analyses the actions taken by governments and entities in the energy sector in Germany, France and Italy as main European importing countries. The paper by Jaroslav Neverovic Lithuania’s energy security against background of Lithuanian-Polish co-operation in electro-energy comprehensively describes one of the EU’s infrastructure projects. Summing up, the monograph Baltic and East European States. Reaction to world economic crisis and regional gas crisis, edited by Krzysztof Falkowski and Eufemia Teichmann, is a valuable contribution to the 189 190 Bartosz Jóźwik discussion about the influence of the effects of the economic crisis and their prevention not only in the said countries but also in the countriesneighbours to the region whose energy security depends on the economic policies in Russia, Ukraine, and Belarus. The monograph can be recognised as highly informative for its reliable analyses of the phenomena and valuable recommendations for economic reforms. Wojciech Misterek Book review: Rozwój Polski Wschodniej. Ograniczenia i wyzwania Bartosz Jóźwik, Mariusz Sagan (eds.), Rozwój Polski Wschodniej. Ograniczenia i wyzwania [Development in Eastern Poland. Limitations and Challenges], Warszawa: Difin, 2012. The scientific monograph Development in Eastern Poland. Limitations and Challenges, edited by Bartosz Jóźwik and Mariusz Sagan, focuses on the economic situation and developmental potential of the voivoideships in Eastern Poland. The authors adopted a scientific approach to describe numerous phenomena which are typical of this part of Poland and significantly influence its development. The monograph discusses comprehensively the growth potential of Eastern Poland for 2014-2020. Such an objective is noteworthy as the current economic downturn forces all market participants to show their competitive advantages. This phenomenon also relates to local governments because they will need to be concerned about the factors that can support economic development if they want to contribute to improving their residents’ living standards. In fact, the comfort of inhabitants’ life and their wealth or access to attractive and stable jobs can depend on local infrastructure and efforts of local entrepreneurs and foreign investors. Thus, any local governments in Eastern Poland are forced to create competitive advantages so that over the forthcoming years they could influence the process of reducing any disparities in relation to other regions in Poland and the European Union or even attempt to outdistance some of them. That is why 192 Wojciech Misterek the growth potential of this part of Poland discussed here becomes so up-to-date. Moreover, the allocation of funds for the next programming period is being consulted now so it is reasonable to show the needs of poorer regions and the high efficiency of aid received by far to maintain the level of support necessary to further reduce any present disparities. The multi aspectual issue is explained successfully in this well-structured monograph. The noteworthy interdisciplinary and diverse research content enables to identify numerous aspects. The authors focus not only on the economic aspects of the phenomena typical of this region, regarding other parts of Poland as a source of both worse economic development and reasons for necessary strengthening any further investment. Katarzyna Sołkowicz’s reflections on cultural conditions are particularly meaningful here. She proves the opinion that these conditions are methodologically necessary to understand the idea of social and economic changes in the region. Importantly, the author points out that any possible development in the region based on innovation can trigger long-term quantitative and qualitative changes although it may be regarded as controversial. It is, however, worth emphasising that any economic issues are essential to achieve the objective set in this monograph. The comprehensive analysis of the economic conditions reveals ill-invested infrastructure in this region, which impacts on the economic situation of any entities. Not only are the current situation and its change over time discussed by the authors, but also key factors necessary to revive this region economically. The research results indicate that this region is highly underdeveloped in many aspects, and thus its key determinants for entrepreneurship are worse than those in the other regions of Poland. One should not miss the analysis of the concept that a sustainable competitive advantage can be achieved by regions with enterprises capable of creating and absorbing innovation; and innovative enterprises operate just where they can achieve favourable conditions for their development. Thus, it is necessary to cope with any limitations and spend large sums of money to develop projects that can activate local entrepreneurs and to create initiatives attractive enough to foreign investors, including mostly innovative entities. The authors emphasise, however, that the efficient stimulation of the entrepreneurial development in Eastern Poland as it is across this country must be a broad-spectrum activity because competitive advantages are created at several levels. Therefore, such measures are costly and long-term, and they need to be supported in the next programming periods. Book review: Rozwój Polski Wschodniej. Ograniczenia i wyzwania These considerations also involve some detailed analyses of agriculture as one of the most fundamental economic sectors in Eastern Poland. One should remember that the authors treat this sector both as a real potential and an opportunity to strengthen the region as well as one of the most troublesome domains in terms of economic strengthening and social problems reflected mainly in the labour market. Importantly, the monograph recognises a few key issues typical of the agriculture in this region such as low human productivity. Therefore, some significant structural changes are plausible to enhance the issue studied as well as improve the living conditions of inhabitants. The authors claim that the development of environmental protection infrastructure should be one of the methods to improve living standards in this region. Consequently, this can improve the living conditions of the rural residents and activate any entrepreneurship in this region, e.g. creating new jobs outside agriculture. The authors attempt to identify several possible trends to improve this situation, which makes this monograph cognitively valuable and can contribute to the discussion on the projected developmental changes in the forthcoming years and the efficient allocation of funds for this region in the next programming period. One of these trends is to enhance the development of Business Process Offshoring (BPO), mainly in accounting, human resources management, remote customer service or financial transaction service. The other one should enhance urban centres as key areas where growth is generated and promoted. Consequently, the authors claim that this region of Poland is less developed as it is agricultural by nature and its urban centres are weak. Summing up, this monograph is definitely a valuable contribution to the discussion on the further development of Eastern Poland and the necessity to take actions to fully exploit its growth potential. Obviously, this issue is fundamental during the on-going discussion on the allocation of funds in the next programming period because the studies presented here clearly indicate that this region needs any further investment enhancement. Undoubtedly, this monograph significantly contributes to research development thanks to the rich empirical material and interdisciplinary nature of the papers included. The recommendations in the chapters can become valuable hints for governments, local governments, and entrepreneurs on formulating efficient economic programmes and policies. 193 Information and Materials Bartosz Jóźwik IV Forum Regionalistyczne: Polityka spójności Unii Europejskiej. Doświadczenia, wnioski i rekomendacje na lata 2014-2020 4th Forum on Regionalism: European Union Cohesion Policy. Experience, conclusions, and recommendations for 2014-2020 On 2 December 2011, the 4th Forum on Regionalism European Union Cohesion Policy. Experience, conclusions, and recommendations for 20142020 took place at the John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin (KUL). It was organised by the KUL Development Foundation, Konrad Adenauer Foundation, International Economic Relations Department of the Institute of Economics and Management at KUL, Institute of EastCentral Europe, Higher School of Real Estate Management in Warsaw, Association for Lubelskie Voivodeship Communes and the KUL Students’ Scientific Group for European Studies. Honorary Patrons for the Forum were: Minister of Regional Development Elżbieta Bieńkowska, Mayor of Lublin Krzysztof Żuk and Director of the Statistical Office in Lublin Krzysztof Markowski. The participants of the 4th Forum on Regionalism, who were representatives of science, European, Polish, and regional authorities as well as local government, and non-profit organizations supporting regional 198 Bartosz Jóźwik development, discussed the conditionings and experience in conducting the cohesion policy in Europe, Poland, and regions. They formulated the recommendations for 2014-2020. The Forum focused on European neighborhood policy, in particular the Eastern Partnership which becomes a recognisable symbol for the EU’s activities in Eastern Europe. It should be noted that the Eastern Partnership means a new policy in which Poland as a leader in the EU presidency since the second part of 2011 has had an exceptional role to make this partnership a basic objective for any activities towards the countries of Eastern Europe and the South Caucasus. The 4th Forum on Regionalism was opened by Rector of the John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin Rev. Professor Stanisław Wilk and the opening speech was delivered by Janusz Lewandowski, UE Commissioner. The Forum comprised three parts. The first part was a panel discussion to share experience in implementing the cohesion policy at European, national, regional, and local levels. Bartosz Jóźwik, PhD (KUL) and Mariusz Sagan, PhD (Warsaw School of Economics) were its leaders. The speakers were: Janusz Lewandowski, PhD – Commissioner for Financial Programming and the Budget, Marceli Niezgoda – Vice Minister of Regional Development, Krzysztof Hetman – Marshal of Lubelskie Voivodeship, Krzysztof Żuk, PhD – Mayor of Lublin and Professor Jerzy Kłoczowski – Director of the Institute of East-Central Europe. The second part focused on international conditionings and experience in implementing the European cohesion policy. The participants discussed the difficulties in carrying out the current cohesion policy, the concepts of changing it for a new financial perspective, the cohesion policy in new Member States, and the European Neighborhood Policy in the sixteen Member States as a recognisable symbol for the EU activities in Eastern Europe. The following speakers participated in the panel discussion led by Bartosz Jóźwik, PhD (KUL): Professor Andrzej F. Bocian (University in Białystok; Globalisation and Regionalisation), Magdalena Sapała, PhD (Poznań University of Economics; Cohesion Policy in the Multiannual Framework of the European Union 2014-2020. Change and continuation), Aleksandra Dyba, MA (Cracow University of Economics; The economic competitiveness of the Visegrad Group – international rankings), Professor Wojciech Kosiedowski (Nicolaus Copernicus University; Problems of economic cohesion of border regions in the EU and CIS. Convergence or divergence?) and Maria Kola-Bezka, PhD (Nicolaus Copernicus University; Some determinants of development of entrepreneurship and cross-border cooperation on the eastern borderland IV Forum Regionalistyczne of the EU and Belarus in the context of future European Neighbourhood Policy). During the third part the participants analysed national and regional conditionings and experience in implementing the cohesion policy. The case studies presented dealt with the way the cohesion policy is implemented in Lubelskie and Podkarpackie voivodeship. The following speakers took part in the panel discussion led by Mariusz Sagan, PhD (Warsaw School of Economics): Aneta Karasek, MA (Maria CurieSkłodowska University in Lublin; The impact of the Creative Class on regional development in Poland), Artur Jan Kukuła, PhD (John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin; Support of the information society development in Lublin Voivodeship by the European Union funds 2007-2013), Anna Kołomycew, PhD (University of Rzeszów; The directions of rural development in regional policy of Podkarpackie voivodeship), Bartosz Bartosiewicz, PhD (University of Łódź; Territorial cohesion of Łódź Metropolitan Area in the light of Employee Flows), Grzegorz Gałek, PhD (Polish Oil and Gas Company – PGNiG SA; Development and modernisation of Polish gas infrastructure supported by the Operational Programme Innovative Infrastructure and Environment funds) and Krzysztof Markowski, PhD (Statistical Office in Lublin, John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin; Determinants of development of Lubelskie voivodeship). The speakers and some other representatives of scientific centers have submitted for publishing over 40 papers on the issues discussed during the 4th Forum on Regionalism. 199 Bartosz Jóźwik Konferencja: Europejska integracja gospodarcza i konwergencja Conference: European economic integration and convergence Held on 15 November 2012 at the John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin (KUL), the conference European economic integration and convergence was organised by: the Konrad Adenauer Foundation, KUL Development Foundation, Institute of East-Central Europe in Lublin as well as the Institute of Economics and Management and Institute of Political Science at the John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin. The conference examined and assessed the implementation of the convergence objective under the 2007-2013 EU cohesion policy. Under this objective, the growth potential should be so stimulated to achieve and maintain a high rate of growth with regard to any disparities in the European Union which was expanded in 2004 and 2007 by the accession of chiefly the Central and East European states. This process required to be discussed and assessed because convergence is a prerequisite for the efficient and complete economic integration of the European Union, i.e. economic and monetary integration which has become harder after the 2007-2008 economic crisis. It is worth pointing out that numerous problems with the Eurozone have begun to directly impact on the economic condition of the strongest EU economies such as Germany and France. 202 Bartosz Jóźwik The conference was attended by academic staff, representatives of administrative staff, students of the universities in Lublin, the John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin and Maria Curie-Skłodowska University, and researchers who just study European issues. Convergence and the difficulty in its implementation at European, national, regional, and local levels were discussed in the six presentations. The first one Economic integration and convergence in the European Union by Bartosz Jóźwik, PhD, Institute of Economics and Management at the John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin, addressed the basic problems with convergence in the European Union Member States. These included the impact of the economic crisis on the convergence of the new EU Member States (EU-10), the convergence in the Lublin region, pointing out the changes in the employment structure, the labour market situation in the region, investment attractiveness of the Lublin region and prospects for convergence in economic development, and the major strategic areas for the near 2014-2020 financial perspective covered by the Europe 2020 strategy. The next presentation Projected directions of the CAP Reform post 2013 and economic convergence in the European Union was delivered by Bożena Oleszko-Kurzyna, PhD, Institute of Economics, Maria CurieSkłodowska University in Lublin. She pointed out that since it was launched, the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) has been significantly reformed, especially by an increasing shift from strongly supported sectoral interventions towards market-oriented policies of rural sustainable development. The expected CAP scenario of 2014-2020 indicates that aid allocation will still be determined by certain past principles which favour an unequal allocation of funds. This means that the new Member States will continue to receive less financial assistance to implement the CAP, while making up for their agricultural development shortcomings. Monika Banaś, PhD hab., Institute of Regional Studies, Jagiellonian University, delivered the third presentation The cultural differences in view of contemporary problems in the European Union. Ireland, Spain, and Greece. Culture as a factor co-shaping interpersonal, intergroup and international relations must not be neglected despite it remains a minor phenomenon in a debate on methods, forms, and modes, or, in brief, integration strategies capable of merging the EU’s internal structures. Ireland, Spain, and Greece are countries which have faced recently (Ireland) and are still facing (Spain and Greece) severe economic, financial and social difficulty. They can serve as an example of the local communities’ unequal treatment of issues such as an attitude to power, willing- Konferencja: Europejska integracja gospodarcza i konwergencja ness to take risks in economic activities or long-term planning in these activities. Tomasz Stępniewski, PhD (Institute of East-Central Europe and Institute of Political Science at the John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin) delivered the next speech. He noticed that the European Neighbourhood Policy, which is the framework for the EU’s activities towards its neighbours, is not an efficient instrument so this policy has been frequently modified in the 21st century. The EU authorities and individual Member States have been coming up with new initiatives to make their actions more efficient, e.g. Black Sea Synergy and Eastern Partnership projects for the Eastern neighbours and the Union for the Mediterranean for the states of the Southern neighbourhood. The Eastern Partnership is a young policy, still under implementation. Its successful implementation requires all of the 27 EU Member States and the six states embraced by the policy to cooperate. Unfortunately, certain international events precluded the Eastern Partnership from becoming the key issue under the Polish Presidency, and the state of the affairs behind the EU’s Eastern border also seems to prove that this initiative is sort of waning due to being perceived as a project of a little impact. Barbara Adamczyk-Sosnowy, Regional Employment Agency in Lublin, discussed major groups of tasks performed by the EURES network in her presentation Employment services under the European Employment Services. The first group covers employment service, or the service of informing and advising the unemployed, including the ones who need non-standard information, e.g. the young, elderly, disabled, women and family members of EU migrant workers as well as employers. The second group of tasks refers to the development of cooperation among trans-national and cross-border social partners concerned and other institutions to improve labour markets, their integration and mobility. The last group focuses on how to efficiently promote the coordinated monitoring and assessment of mobility obstacles, a too high or too low degree of skills, and directions of migration. The last presentation Lublin development strategy up to 2020 by Krzysztof Komorski, Deputy Director of the Strategy and Promotion Department in the Lublin Municipal Office was on the difficulties in socio-economic development of the Lublin region and Lublin. Employing the latest diagnosis of Lublin and the Lublin region assets, the draft strategy is based on a thorough analysis of the external environment included the changing global paradigms of development. The presentation focused on Lublin’s key competitive advantages such as its socioeconomic and population potential which is the greatest in Eastern 203 204 Bartosz Jóźwik Poland, great academic potential, role as a centre of East-West cooperation, strong and internationally recognisable cultural environment, and ecology. The competitive advantages defined in the draft Lublin 2020 strategy helped formulate four key, interrelated axes of development activities as signposts for the next decade. These are: openness, academicism, entrepreneurship, and friendliness. The presentations were followed by a discussion which focused chiefly on the employability and self-fulfilment of young people in a united Europe, and the development in Lublin which is supported by the EU Structural Funds. The conference participants, especially numerous students, who will soon enter the labour market, found these issues crucial and noteworthy. About the Authors Monika Banaś – Associate Professor, Institute of Regional Studies, Jagiellonian University Jesús Sánchez Cotobal – Professor at the Business Training Institute, Madrid Chamber of Commerce Aleksandra Dyba – Ph.D. Candidate, Chair of European Economic Integration, Cracow University of Economics Tomasz Grzegorz Grosse – Professor at the Institute of European Studies, University of Warsaw Bartosz Jóźwik – Ph.D., Institute of Economics and Management, John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin Jarosław Kuśpit – Ph.D., Department of Global Economy and European Integration, Institute of Economy and Finance, Maria CurieSkłodowska University in Lublin Bożena Oleszko-Kurzyna – Ph.D., Faculty of Economics, Maria CurieSkłodowska University in Lublin Wojciech Misterek – Ph.D., Banking Department, Maria CurieSkłodowska University in Lublin Józef Bogusław Osoba – Ph.D., Lecturer, Skarbek University (Fryderyk Skarbek Higher School of Commerce and International Finance) in Warsaw – Lublin branch campus 206 Paweł Pasierbiak – Ph.D., Faculty of Economics, Maria Curie-Skłodowska University in Lublin Henryk Ponikowski – Ph.D., Institute of Economics and Management, John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin Katarzyna Sołkowicz – Ph.D., Faculty of Social Sciences, Institute of Economics and Management, John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin Tomasz Stępniewski – Ph.D., Associate Professor, Institute of Political Science, John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin and Assistant Professor at the Institute of East-Central Europe in Lublin