Kashubian identity and education as key elements of language policy

Transkrypt

Kashubian identity and education
as key elements of language
policy
Cezary Obracht-Prondzyński1
Abstract
The article presents the issue of language policy implementation in
Kashubia, the main motivational force behind its implementation being the
Kashubian movement. Its beginnings reach back to the mid-19th century and
currently the most important active organisation, which has been in existence
since 1956, is the Kashubian-Pomeranian Association. This article will
analyse the process of the movement’s institutionalisation as well as its
pluralisation in the period after 1989. The article will also describe the
changes in identity in Kashubian society taking into account the language and
ethnicity declarations in the general censuses (2002 and 2011) and changes in
legislation. The most critical element has been the development of Kashubian
education as the basic tool for implementing language policy.
Keywords
Kashubs, Kashubian language, identity, language policy, ethnic education
The Kashubian Movement
The current situation of the Kashubian language is primarily influenced by
general conditions external to Kashubian society, such as: technological
changes (the domination of media in community life, the role of the internet),
globalization tendencies, individualisation and the “empowerment
revolution”, sudden economic changes, and finally the transformation of the
Polish system of government after the fall of communism, which above all
else, brought about changes in policies and legislation.
On the other hand, these conditions have formed the framework within
which Kashubian efforts relating to the maintenance and revival of the
language were, and still are, being realised. Alfred Majewicz called these
efforts the internal sociolinguistic techniques (Majewicz 1992; 1996, 1999).
Without the Kashubian community’s own self-organisation, which in time
took on an increasingly institutionalised form, it would have been very
difficult to achieve results such as universal education or growth in language
awareness. More importantly, these were conscious activities, goal driven and
1
Prof. Cezary Obracht-Prondzyński is a Professor at the Gdańsk University, Institute of
Philosophy, Sociology and Journalism. His research interested is in three sets of subjects:
1) ethnicity, nationalism and language politics, 2) modern history of Pomerania, 3) social
anthropology. Contact: [email protected].
62 | Cezary Obracht-Prondzyński
consistent, always making use of legal, financial and political possibilities,
based on the ideology of Kashubian regionalism. They were spontaneous, but
with the passage of time increasingly institutionalised and professional, and
finally they were varied (they took place at different levels, in different
communities using a variety of means and forms). Their premise was that
they would affect not only Kashubian society, in particular its elites, but also
the surrounding people and institutions. In this instance, the aim was to
appropriately shape the attitude of the surroundings (for example academic
circles, political or cultural elites) and create a positive image of the Kashubs.
It was assumed that such a positive image forms important group capital and
is a significant element in raising the group’s prestige, which in turn should
affect the prestige of its language. Without this it would not be possible to
talk about the effectiveness of revival efforts. So from the beginning of the
Kashubian regional movement, it was obvious to the movement’s leaders that
the language question had to be solved both in the area of culture and in the
political sphere.
The main player realising language policies in Kashubia has been the
Kashubian movement (Bukowski 1950. Stone 2016. Dołowy-Rybińska
2010). Its beginnings date back to the mid-19th century, when Florian
Ceynowa began his activities (1817-1881) (Pieróg 2009). The first
organisation, the Society of Young Kashubs, was established in Gdańsk in
1912. Its activities were interrupted by the outbreak of World War I, and in
the interwar years the Kashubian movement was ideologically divided and
scattered. The first mass organisation, the Kashubian Association2, was
established in 1956, and in 1964 it extended its programme and changed its
name to the Kashubian-Pomeranian Association (K-PA)3. It functions under
that name to this day and is the largest regional ethnic organisation in Poland
(Obracht-Prondzyński 2006b).
The functioning of Kashubian organisations in the communist period,
despite the unfavourable circumstances, allowed the Kashubs to develop their
culture as well as to shape their own leadership (both at the local and regional
level). They enjoyed community respect, which, with the breakthrough to
democracy in 1989, turned out to be a very important advantage. The
Kashubs entered the new epoch in possession of their own organisations with
a developed structure, a specialised agenda (for example, the monthly
“Pomerania”, the Student Club “Pomorania”4, the Kashubian Folk High
School5, etc.) as well as having a sizable group of active animators,
representing a variety of milieus (Obracht-Prondzyński 2008; Mazurek 2009).
Worth mentioning is that just before the transformation process, the
Kashubs, as a society of “long existence”, had strongly formed both a group
identity and sense of community. The foundation, next to their own language,
was also the experience from the past, shared memories (particularly
concerning the Second World War), the strong sense of land, as well as other
2
Zrzeszenie Kaszubskie
Zrzeszenie Kaszubsko-Pomorskie.
4
Klub Studencki “Pomorania”, was founded in 1962.
5
Kaszubski Uniwersytet Ludowy, was founded in 1983.
3
Kashubian identity and education | 63
group’ symbols adherence. Moreover, it was enhanced by the sense of
rootedness in Pomerania, treated as their own regional homeland, a unique
system of values and the so-called auto-stereotype, which may be described
with the belief of the importance of Kashubs and their persistence despite the
adversity (Latoszek 1990; Obracht-Prondzyński 2002: 353-373).
However, a characteristic of the transformation period was also the
systematic decentralisation and pluralisation of the Kashubian movement.
Completely new organisations, which went beyond the local area, began to be
6
created alongside the K-PA. An example of these is the Kashubian Institute ,
an academic association established in 1996. It currently has 130 members
and has produced about 200 publications, including a dozen or more volumes
of the annual academic journal “Acta Cassubiana”. It also carries out research
and organises numerous conferences and seminars (Obracht-Prondzyński
2010).
Pluralisation of the Kashubian movement has meant a definite increase in
the number of players putting language policies into practice. It must be
stressed that these players are not only the community organisations but also
academic institutions, cultural centres (e.g. museums), the media, the Catholic
Church, etc. A substantial part of the institutional network was already in
existence before 1989 (for example, the museums), but the onset of
democracy undoubtedly created quite different and much more favourable
conditions for the development of Kashubian culture and the implementation
of Kashubian language policies.
Analysing Kashubian experiences during the transformation of the
political system, we can talk of the empowerment of Kashubs. A key event
was the re-establishment of territorial local self-government in 1990.
Sociological research clearly documents this process of citizen empowerment.
As many as two-thirds of the respondents in Brunon Synak’s survey agreed
that “(…) the role of Kashubs in their own commune has become more
important” (as was also the case in the voivodships) and an insignificant
number claimed that in this respect the situation had deteriorated. The author
stated that “(…) there is a very strong feeling that Kashubs are »receiving
recognition« in connection with the changes in government” (Synak
1993:25). At the same time he underlined the fact that “the clear evidence of
a Kashubian social and ethno-cultural revival becoming dominant over
isolation, passivity and apathy in the current re-imagining of the system, is a
factor favouring the development of the Kashubian lands and their culture.
This specific »ethnic mobilization« is subordinated to local economic matters
and a greater concern with nurturing traditions, language and other elements
of identity, in the context of the wider national culture. It has nothing to do
with »armoured« ethnicity, isolation or ethnic prejudices and enmity towards
»the other«” (Synak 1993:26).
It can therefore be claimed that the political changes between 1989 and
1990 not only stimulated citizens’ empowerment but at the same time created
6
Instytut Kaszubski – instytutkaszubski.pl.
conditions for the autonomous development of an ethnic Kashubian culture,
through a process best described as ethnic empowerment.
Connecting these two processes is significant in that the Kashubian
movement’s primary goals were always cultural, but its political role was also
important. Already, before the onset of democracy, the KashubianPomeranian Association played the role of the Kashubian community’s
representative, and after 1989 it started to fulfil the function of a quasiregional party. There was never a Kashubian party in Kashubia, and Kashubs
engaged in political activity through the national party structures. On the
other hand, belonging to and being supported by the K-PA was advantageous
for local politicians, who in various roles from the commune level right up to
national government, often emphasized their connections with this
organisation and the Kashubian milieu (a striking example can be former
prime minister Donald Tusk) (Obracht-Prondzyński 2007).
Thus, analysing the K-PA’s structure, goals and forms of activity it can be
seen that it represents the type of regional movement which is “a means of
articulating the interests of groups in the context of civil society; their aim is
not to abolish the national state but to modify it with local self-government,
reducing the central government’s powers (….) and decentralisation of the
state, hastening development through the release of community energy”
(Kubiak 1994: 30). Marek Latoszek correctly defined the K-PA programme
and organisational formula as the “three P’s” – pragmatism, professionalism
and politicisation (Latoszek 1993).
The legal conditions for language policies
The process of civic and ethnic empowerment was closely tied to changes
in legislation. These were the result, after 1989, of the democratisation of the
whole model of state functioning, but on the other hand they were also
accidental – often being inconsistent decisions relating to the Kashubs’ group
status. Putting it another way – legal regulations regarding constitutional
rights, the issues of education, language, access to media, etc. meant that
sometimes Kashubs were not distinguished from other minority groups. At
other times, taking into account the specificity of Kashubian identity, they
were treated as unique and separate. On still other occasions, they made use
of possibilities whose assumptions had nothing to do with the question of
ethnicity (e.g. legislation pertaining to local self-government) (Łodziński
2005; Janusz 2011).
Irrespective of the attitude of lawmakers and the public authorities to the
Kashubs’ legal status, it would undoubtedly be difficult to talk of realising
language policies or of the activities aimed at a revival of the Kashubian
language without taking the legal aspect into account. It is in this sphere
where the greatest breakthrough has taken place and where solutions have
been introduced never before encountered in the Kashubs’ history
(Grzędzicki, Obracht-Prondzyński 2012). Significantly, these regulations
didn’t just relate to language issues. So it is worth paying attention to several
of their elements.
a) Changes in the law relating to local self-government (in 1990 – reestablishment of local self-government at the commune level; in 1998 –
establishment of local self-government at the county and voivodship level)
are relevant because it is the various levels of local self-government that are
responsible for running the institutions without which modern Kashubian
culture could not be imagined e.g. local cultural centres, museums, libraries,
etc. Above all, local self-government is responsible for implementing
Kashubian education, and receives huge public funds for this purpose (in
connection with which the degree and effectiveness of their utilisation has
awakened a lot of emotion in the Kashubian community (Grzędzicki,
Lemańczyk 2010).
b) Implementing the constitutional provisions forbidding discrimination
and defining the range of freedoms and rights of citizenship (Janusz 2011:
622-623).
c) The laws regulating freedom of association (Janusz 2011: 625-628)
were very important, particularly given the variety of forms of association in
the Kashubian regional movement (Obracht-Prondzyński 2013a).
d) Media legislation created the possibility for the full participation of the
Kashubian language in the media, not only in print (this had occurred a lot
earlier) but also in electronic media (Janusz 2011: 667. Ratajczak 2012: 158166). In the legislation on radio and television in 1992 it was stated that
public radio and television stations should “take into account the needs of
national and ethnic minorities” (Szmidtke 1997). Sometime earlier the public
radio station Radio Gdańsk had already started to broadcast a programme
called “Na bòtach ë w bòrach” (On boats and in forests), which is the
longest-running Kashubian programme (it began in 1989). What is more,
since 2004 this station has broadcast current affairs in the magazine
programme “Klëka”. The Słupsk section of Radio Koszalin also broadcasts
its own Kashubian programme.
Legal regulations and concession requirements meant that in July 2004 the
Puck Area Association7 was granted a concession for Radio Kaszëbë, which
has been broadcasting since December of that year. It is the first media outlet,
today covering with its range almost the whole of Kashubia, totally devoted
to Kashubian themes and realised mainly in Kashubian.
The oldest Kashubian programme in public television was the magazine
programme entitled “Rôdno zemia” (Homeland) in public Television Gdańsk,
which commenced broadcasting at the beginning of 1990. Unfortunately, this
programme was withdrawn at the end of 2010 (Pryczkowski 2011).
f) The key factors however were the legal regulations regarding minorities
in general. These pertain to international standards (The European Charter of
Regional and Minority Languages, ratified by Poland) as well as internal
legislation, that is the law on national and ethnic minorities and regional
languages passed in 2005. The name of the latter is characteristic. The only
language named in the legislation is Kashubian and the term “the Kashubian
7
Stowarzyszenie Ziemia Pucka, was founded in 2003.
issue” was connected to the fact that the legislators rejected the possibility of
recognizing Kashubs as an ethnic minority.
In accordance therefore with legal requirements, Kashubs today are
considered to be a “community using a regional language”. This however
does not change the fact that as a result of this legislation the Kashubian
language found itself protected for the first time (Szreder 2005; Grzędzicki,
Obracht-Prondzyński 2012). Some further issues which have also come under
legal jurisdiction are: the right to use the Kashubian language as an auxiliary
language in those communes which fulfil specific criteria (the first communes
where this was introduced were Parchowo in 2005, Sierakowice in 2007) or
the right to bilingual place names (Grzędzicki 2006). The legislation created
the possibility of providing public funds for activities aimed at supporting and
developing the Kashubian language (funding for organisations and funding
for projects) and so created quite new conditions for the implementation of
Kashubian language policies.
g) Recent years have brought further changes in the law, an example being
Poland’s ratification of the UNESCO convention on the preservation of
intangible heritage (Obracht-Prondzyński 2013b).
h) It is not possible to talk of Kashubian language policies without
including changes in education. The new legislation regarding education,
passed in September 1991, was of fundamental importance. Article 13
obliged “public schools to make it possible for pupils to maintain their sense
of national, ethnic, linguistic and religious identity, in particular the learning
of their own language, history and culture” (the law passed in 1991).
Legislation which included such a wide range of identity categories meant
that it was also applied to the Kashubs, who were able to use it to start
Kashubian education in the schools (teaching of the language).
The legislation referred to above resulted in a substantial widening of the
public use of the Kashubian language.
The specificity of Kashubian identity and the dynamics of
change
The first large scale sociological research among the Kashubs was carried
out at the end of the 1980s (Latoszek 1990; Majewicz 1996; Majewicz,
Wicherkiewicz 2001). As a result of this, a reasonably complete sociological
picture of the Kashubian community, in particular in the area of identity and
culture, was obtained on the threshold of the great changes which occurred in
1989.
It was argued that the Kashubs are a clearly defined ethnic community of a
regional character, for whom a constituent feature is that its “members have a
sense of common belonging and identity with a group shaped by objective
elements of culture (e.g. language, traditions), a defined territory, their own
name and a common history” Naturally, “the consequence of the
characteristics contributing to the makeup of this kind of ethnic community is
its members awareness of their separateness”, which is the foundation of
their identity (Synak 1991a: 85). The distinguishing criterion was first and
foremost language. As Brunon Synak wrote: “The primary and definitely the
strongest cultural-ethnic group »differentiator« is the Kashubian language,
whose separateness is universally perceived by the research subjects, 83%
indicating that Kashubs are »very different« in this respect”
Also important was the discovery that a strong ethnic identity coexists
with national identity (the so-called dual identity), which was also confirmed
by research carried out in the 1990s: “strong Kashubian identity does not get
in the way of an unequivocal definition, stressing a person’s belonging to
Poland. Kashubian and Polish identity overlap at many levels of
identification (regional and national) but within a context of the same
universal cultural values (…) Kashubian and Polish identity are not mutually
exclusive and therefore the strengthening of one can occur without weakening
or getting rid of the other” (Synak 1998: 72-73). Applying this claim to the
whole sphere of culture, researchers stated that in Kashubia, as a result of
complex historical and cultural processes, a situation has arisen which can be
described as internal pluralism: “the culture of one’s own regional ethnic
group and the dominant national community’s culture can harmoniously coexist in the individual consciousness, and in the group dimension they can
interpenetrate and enrich each other without destroying the autonomy,
cultural separateness and community content of the smaller ethnic group”
(Synak 1998: 37).
In the light of this research, the Kashubian community presented itself as a
fairly tightly knit group, resistant to the process of assimilation with a
strongly developed sense of separateness, simultaneously attached (in a
definite majority) to a national Polish identity, having a distinct self-image
(the main characteristic of this being: religious piety, a strong work ethic,
attachment to the land, persistence verging on stubbornness, patriotism, etc.)
as well as having at its disposal a fairly large elite.
The dimensions of identity and ideology did not escape the process of
pluralism. This is connected to the appearance of a group identifying itself
with a Kashubian national option (Obracht-Prondzyński 2004). It started to
take shape just before the National Census in 2002, calling for people to
declare Kashubian nationality in the census questionnaire. The
institutionalization of this group occurred in 2011, when an association called
Kaszëbskô Jednota (Kashubian Unity) was established. It unites people who
support a Kashubian national orientation and its goal is “development of the
civic and cultural national awareness of Kashubs and protection of their
language and traditions, as well as academic activity, education on behalf of
national and ethnic minorities and communities using a regional language,
assistance in the development of local communities”8 (Jabłoński 2013).
Along with the establishment of this association, divisions in identity
among the Kashubs acquired an institutional dimension, and the problem of
who represents the Kashubian community appeared in its wake (the claim of
the K-PA to be this representative was undermined). It also created new
conditions for the realisation of language policies in Kashubia
(Wicherkiewicz 2011).
8
http://kaszebsko.com.
This dynamic and the changes in identity are well illustrated by the results
of two general censuses – in 2002 and 2011. It should be noted that the
problem of “recording” Kashubs is not new. Germans had trouble with this in
the 19th century, and the Poles in the period of the Second Republic and after
1945. The issue is mainly what to do in the censuses about the complexities
of Kashubian identity and whether it should be based on language or other
criteria (Obracht-Prondzyński 2006a. Belzyt 1998).
In the census of 2002, two ethnicity-related questions had been asked,
where the first one concerned the national declaration. However, the answer
of single choice regarding Polish or “non-Polish” identity was noticed as
problematic for the Kashubs. In that case it was impossible to declare both
Polish and Kashubian identity. This caused a huge controversy and resulted
with only 5,100 answers declaring “Kashubian nationality” where the rest of
the Kashubs only choose Polish nationality. Thereby, as a result of the Polish
state’s activities, the inside fragmentation of the group has been established.
The question concerning the language appeared as less controversial. In
2002, in the Pomeranian Voivodship, 52,588 people declared that they use the
Kashubian language in their home. This was 2.41% of the voivodship’s total
population (in the whole country, the number was 52,665 people). It should
be emphasized that in up to tenfold more answers the Kashubian nationality
was declared! The largest number of Kashubian language declarations was
noted in Kartuzy County, next came Puck and Wejherowo (together over
90% of all language declarations)9.
From this data it can undoubtedly be concluded (and this is confirmed in
observations made by sociologists, ethnologists and social geographers) that
here indeed is the core of the Kashubian language. It is significant that there
were ten communes in which there were more than 20% language
declarations. After the legislation on national and ethnic minorities passed in
2005 this proved to be important, as it was the legal threshold allowing the
communes to be placed in the official list of communes where the Kashubian
language could be uses as an auxiliary language and where place names could
appear in this language.
In the Kashubian community after the publication of the results of the
2002 census, there were heated discussions relating to language issue.
Especially shocking were cases of refusal to record use of the language in the
home (the author of this text experienced this personally). Also for this
reason, the results of the census were contested and generally regarded as
lower than they should be. To some degree this was confirmed in the next
census of 2011. It was carried out using a different recording technique and
with differently phrased questions.
The most important was the introduction of the two questions concerning
the national identity: “What nationality are you?” and “Is there any other
nation or ethnic group you feel belonging to?” There were also two questions
regarding the language: “What language do you usually speak at your
9
http://stat.gov.pl/spisy-powszechne/narodowe-spisy-powszechne/narodowy-spispowszechny-2002/wyniki-narodowego-spisu-powszechnego-2002-narodowosci-orazjezyka/
home?” and “What is your mother tongue?”. While asking the Kashubs in
this way, the opportunity of both national (Polish) and ethnic (Kashubian)
declaration was given. It is important to stress that while presenting the
results the Central Statistical Office of Poland10 counted each Kashubian,
regardless of whether it appeared both together with or without a Polish
declaration and as the first or second choice.
With the questions formulated this way, the results of the Census of 2011
were significantly different than those of 2002. In 2011 in the country
232,547 people in total declared identification with the Kashubian ethnicity.
Although it was the first answer for 17,746 (including 16,377 for whom it
was the only choice), 215,784 chose also Polish, which was the first
answered. The significant increase was noticed not only in the number of
ethnic but also language declarations, from 52,588 in 2002 to 108,140. in
2011. (GUS 2013a: 91).
As important as the way of formulating the questions was also the fact that
the research took place within a much more conducive atmosphere.
Undoubtedly, the introduction of the Act on Minorities and Regional
Languages just before the Census of 2011 contributed to the increase of the
awareness of the Kashubian language.
Table 1 presents language and ethnicity results.
Table 1 – Kashubian language and ethnicity declarations in the light of
the National Census, 2011
Country/Voivodship
Polska (Poland)
Dolnośląskie
Kujawsko-pomorskie
Lubelskie
Lubuskie
Łódzkie
Małopolskie
Mazowieckie
Opolskie
Podkarpackie
Podlaskie
Pomorskie
Śląskie
Świętokrzyskie
Warmińsko-Mazurskie
Wielkopolskie
Zachodniopomorskie
10
Number of people
using the Kashubian
language
108,140
39
68
21
86
4
4
10,7742
43
48
28
57
Główny Urząd Statystyczny (GUS)
Number of Kashubian
ethnicity declarations
232,547
115
756
35
69
181
169
1,099
82
53
33
22,7947
566
31
290
284
838
Source: Główny Urząd Statystyczny (GUS). 2013a. Ludność. Stan i
struktura demograficzno-społeczna. Narodowy Spis Powszechny Ludności i
Mieszkań 2011, Warszawa: 270-71; Główny Urząd Statystyczny (GUS).
2015. Struktura narodowo-etniczna, językowa i wyznaniowa ludności Polski.
Narodowy Spis Powszechny Ludności i Mieszkań 2011, Warszawa 2015,
additional tables – electronic version. Tab. 53. http://stat.gov.pl/spisypowszechne/nsp-2011/nsp-2011-wyniki/struktura-narodowo-etnicznajezykowa-i-wyznaniowa-ludnosci-polski-nsp-2011,22,1.html
The above table shows that there is a decided concentration of Kashubian
language users in the Pomeranian Voivodship. At the same time, it indicates
that there is no Polish voivodship in which there is not a single person
declaring Kashubian ethnicity. However, because in every case the level of
ethnic/national declarations was significantly higher than the language
declarations, it can be concluded that in conditions of migration (leaving the
Kashubia area) there follows a quick loss of language. Despite this fact, there
remains an awareness of connections with the Kashubian community
although it is now based on different criteria, going beyond language.
Talking of the concentration of declarations, it is also worth showing how
this translates into the pattern inside voivodships.
Table 2 – Kashubian language and ethnicity declarations in the
Pomeranian Voivodship, 2011
People using the
Kashubian language
Pomeranian Voivodship Counties:
Bytowski
Chojnicki
Gdański
Kartuski
Kościerski
Lęborski
Pucki
Słupski
Wejherowski
miasto Gdańsk
miasto Gdynia
miasto Słupsk
miasto Sopot
107,742
Number of
Kashubian ethnicity
declarations
227,947
8,779
1,543
429
47,276
4,586
2,044
17,667
no data
23,043
985
1,141
no data
no data
14,942
10,633
1,965
69,385
28,246
4,404
29,473
585
51,006
7,084
8,641
322
582
Source: Główny Urząd Statystyczny (GUS). 2015. Struktura narodowoetniczna, językowa i wyznaniowa ludności Polski. Narodowy Spis
Powszechny Ludności i Mieszkań 2011, Warszawa 2015, additional tables –
electronic version. Tab. 55 i 59. http://stat.gov.pl/spisy-powszechne/nsp-
2011/nsp-2011-wyniki/struktura-narodowo-etniczna-jezykowa-iwyznaniowa-ludnosci-polski-nsp-2011,22,1.html
From the above it can be seen that the Kashubian population is
concentrated in a few counties, above all in Kartuzy County, which remains
the centre of Kashub culture, and additionally in the Wejherowo, Puck,
Kościerzyna and Bytów counties. These counties have 94% of the people
who in the Pomeranian Voivodship declared the use of Kashubian language
in the home and over 84% of those who declared Kashubian ethnicity.
These concentrations are confirmed by the list of communes in which the
legal threshold of 20% of the population declaring use of the Kashubian
language was exceeded. This is illustrated in Table 3, in which a comparison
has been made with the 2002 census.
Table 3 – Communes in which less than 20% of the inhabitants use the
Kashubian language (NSP 2011) compared to NSP 2002
Number
of
regional
Commune
County
language
users
(2002)
Lipnica
bytowski
798
Sierakowice
kartuski
6,359
Chmielno
kartuski
2,182
Sulęczyno
kartuski
2,265
Linia
wejherowski
1,969
Przodkowo
kartuski
3,223
Szemud
wejherowski
2,960
Stężyca
kartuski
3,543
Parchowo
bytowski
768
Somonino
kartuski
2,694
Lipusz
kościerski
134
Jastarnia
pucki
777
Puck
pucki
6,310
Kartuzy
kartuski
5,527
Luzino
wejherowski
1,005
Dziemiany kościerski
0
Krokowa
pucki
1,159
Żukowo
kartuski
2,684
Czarna
bytowski
0
Dąbrówka
Number
Percentage Percentage
of
of regional of regional
regional
language language
language
users
users
users
(2002)
(2011)
(2011)
2,982
16.5
58.8
10,480
39.8
58.3
4,084
34.7
57.9
2,756
48.6
53.8
3,130
35.5
52.3
3,751
48.9
47.6
7,049
26.3
46.8
4,348
43.1
45.4
1,526
22.6
42.7
4,180
30.8
42.6
1,424
4.1
39.9
1,545
19.6
38.9
8,596
30.8
35.9
10,956
18.2
33.6
3,895
8.5
27.3
1,084
0
25.8
2,609
11.8
24.9
6,721
11.8
22.5
1,269
0
22.1
Source: Główny Urząd Statystyczny (GUS). 2013b Wykaz gmin, w
których nie mniej niż 20% mieszkańców należy do mniejszości narodowych
lub etnicznych, albo posługuje się językiem regionalnym, Warszawa
The above table shows quite important changes in the Kashubian language
scene in relation to the year 2002. Although in all communes in which in
2002 the level of language declarations exceeded 20% this was repeated in
2011 and only in one was a minimal decrease noted (Przodkowo – but only in
relative numbers as in absolute terms there was also an increase), one can see
that the growth is uneven. There are communes in which the indicator of
language declarations grew by several or even tens of percentage points, but
also those where it is two, three or even ten times greater. An absolutely
spectacular change happened in the Dziemiany and Czarna Dąbrówka
communes in which in the 2002 census there wasn’t a single Kashubian
language user, but in 2011 there were 25% and 22%, respectively.
Looking at the problem of language revival from the statistical point of
view, one can say that Kashubian identity is on an upswing – over the decade
the number of people declaring a knowledge of and use of the language in the
home has doubled. If such a phenomenon has occurred in such a short time,
while maintaining similar census questions, two explanations are possible:
Either the jump is a result of a significantly better promotional campaign, a
better atmosphere surrounding the census and an effective realisation of
language policies leading to a strong growth tendency in the Kashubs’
language self-awareness; or this increase is only relative, and in fact the
number of users has not changed but the 2002 census was conducted in such a
way as to glaringly lower their numbers.
At the same time, it should be stressed that language and ethnicity
declarations do not coincide. Firstly, among 108,140 people using the
Kashubian language there were 10,425 who declared only Polish identity. In
other words, they use Kashubian in the home but do not consider themselves
to be Kashubs. Secondly – a decided majority of Kashubian language users,
88,042 declared dual Kashubian and Polish identity while 9,672 regarded
themselves as solely Kashubs (GUS 2015, tab. 24). From the latter it would
unequivocally appear that among the 16,377 people who declared a solely
Kashubian identity, a significant number (6,705 people) do not speak
Kashubian. This is an important signal as it indicates that knowledge and use
of the language is not the only criteria for Kashubian identity. Indeed, proof
of this is the clearly greater number of ethnicity declarations over language
declarations.
What is more in the group of 232,547 people who declared Kashubian
identity as many as 228,882 stated that at home they use the Polish language.
The number who declared themselves to be users of a non-Polish language
was 98,056 and of these 97,501 indicated Kashubian. One should add that
511 people indicated use of the German language (GUS 2015, tab. 25).
One can therefore state that although the majority of people who declared
the use of the Kashubian language claimed Kashubian identity, there is also a
sizable percentage who while using the language, do not consider themselves
to be Kashubs. And vice versa – among people who declared Kashubian
identity (even a national one), there is a significant number who do not know
the language and do not use it. These results indicate that Kashubian identity
is increasingly dependent on factors other than language. The results of the
census also confirm that in Kashubia there is a developed diglossia. This can
have very important consequences in the future, especially if we take into
account the indubitable fact that there is inequality in the social sphere in the
functions and impact of the Polish and Kashubian languages. This can mean
that for purely pragmatic reasons Kashubian will in time be increasingly
displaced by Polish, which will lead to its gradual demise or to the restriction
of its use and functionality.
Language and education as a basic dilemma of the Kashubian
community
Throughout the research on Kashubian language issues and in public
discussion regarding Kashubian language and culture, there are problems
which are key from the point of view of identity and the future of the ethnic
community. Disagreement relates among other things as to why the language
is disappearing (Porębska 2006) and what that really means. Does it indicate
that language socialisation in the home is coming to an end? Or, to put it
differently, that enculturation in the family by means of the Kashubian
language is coming to an end? At the same time, the language is undergoing a
renaissance in the public sphere (schools, the media, the church) which begs
the question: before the passing on of the language within families is
completely lost, will the passing on of it in the public sphere become
sufficiently widespread for its survival? If this happens, then in what form
will the language function (this is among other things a question about the
forms of standardisation of the language and the quality of literary
Kashubian)? Put differently, this dilemma can be presented in the form of a
question about the possibility of language revival via intervention undertaken
in the public sphere and consistently realised language policies. In this we
also touch on the range of the languages uses and its social functions. If it
loses its meaning as a tool for communication (especially in every day
communication, among family and neighbours), will it still maintain its
meaning as an indicator of identity, as a source of identity, a symbolic
element?
The key to the future of the Kashubian language is education, which in
recent years has become the basic tool of language policy (Głowacka-Grajper
2009: 199-240; Mistarz 2005; Kuik-Kalinowska, Kalinowski 2012). One
needs to look at its development from a somewhat wider perspective. Despite
the establishment in the Kashubian community of a strong community elite
(also in the artistic and academic sphere), it continues to be a community
coping with low status in the area of education.
Data from the last census show that the education level of that part of the
Kashubian population which declares use of the Kashubian language is
significantly different from that of other minority groups (and also of the
average in the Pomeranian Voivodship). Lower levels of education are found
only among the Romani minority. A definite majority of Kashubs among
those who declared a knowledge of the Kashubian language, have an
education lower than secondary (almost 73%), while in the whole of the
Pomeranian Voivodship there were only 45.3% respondents in this category
(WUS 2013: 94).
Table 4 – The education level of Kashubian language users in the
Pomeranian Voivodship. NSP 2011
Education level
(recorded for
people over the
age of 13)
Total
Higher
Secondary
Lower than secondary
Unrecorded
99,127
5,900
19,594
72,239
1,393
100.00%
5.95%
19.77%
72.88%
1.41%
electronic version, Tab. 31. http://stat.gov.pl/spisy-powszechne/nsp-2011/nsp2011-wyniki/struktura-narodowo-etniczna-jezykowa-i-wyznaniowa-ludnoscipolski-nsp-2011,22,1.html
Among people who declared Kashubian ethnicity those with lower
education levels also predominate – 125,814 were below secondary, while
52,239 had secondary education and only 21,398 had higher education (GUS
2013a: 269).
It may be that the low education level can be explained by the fact that
both among people declaring a knowledge of the language and among people
who declared Kashubian ethnicity, the majority were inhabitants of the
countryside (150,140 in relation to 82,407 in towns) (GUS 2013a: 265). In the
Polish context, people in the countryside are on average less educated than in
towns.
It must be stressed that the number of people with higher education among
those in the Pomeranian Voivodship who declared Kashubian identity, is not
quite 10 percent, with a voivodship average of 17.6 percent. It can be seen
therefore the Kashubian population is significantly less well educated than the
population of Pomeranian Voivodship as a whole.
This raises basic questions about the possibility of devising activities to
revitalise the language, engaging a wide cross-section of the community and
of the possibility of mobilising group resources? In this context, the role of
the Kashubian elites, organisations and other institutions seems to be most
important, not only in the area of language revival but also in awakening the
Kashubs educational aspirations.
Writing about Kashubian education as an important cultural and ethnic
project and a tool for realising language policies, one should pay attention to
several elements.
The first is the fact that demands concerning the teaching of children
about Kashubia and in Kashubian were among the most important ones
formulated as early as 1956, when the Kashubian Association was founded
(Kuik-Kalinowska, Kalinowski 2012). During the many years of communist
reality in the schools, talking about ethnic and regional issues was either
forbidden or at best was the subject of informal intervention carried out by
teacher regionalists. A breakthrough occurred with the democratic changes in
1989. An important event was the opening of the first Kashubian Secondary
School in Brusy in 1991 and a Kashubian Primary School in Głodnica.
In this period, the development of Kashubian education occurred
spontaneously. This changed however with the establishment of higher
subsidies for local self-government, allocated for teaching the Kashubian
language in schools. (Janusz 2011: 635).
In its wake – and this is the second important element – the first teaching
programmes, the first text books, and a school-leaving examination syllabus
were established11, etc.
A significant problem was the absence of a suitable teaching cadre
qualified to teach the Kashubian language. This was tackled by organising
post-diploma courses (at Gdańsk University and the Pomeranian Academy in
Słupsk) and in 2003 by creating a team of experts assessing knowledge of the
Kashubian language for teaching purposes in schools and preschools (this
was established by the governing body of the K-PA). An important aspect of
realising language policies in Kashubia was also the establishment at Gdańsk
University in 2014 of a Kashubian ethno-philological major.
A further issue is the fact that Kashubian education is not restricted to
school based education. One can mention initiatives such as: the Kashubian
Language Summer School, Kashubian Dictation (Pomierska 2013), various
competitions promoting Kashubian arts and crafts, increasing numbers of
publications directed to teachers and pupils, etc.12
This is how the institutionalisation of Kashubian education has
progressed. However, the absence of agreed and commonly accepted
orthographical standards has been a serious barrier to its development. The
issue of spelling has always caused enormous controversy and disagreement
in the Kashubian movement and among writers. These were further deepened
by fears on the part of the communist authorities, for whom distinguishing
Kashubian and Polish spelling was treated almost as a facet of cultural
separation. The signing in Gdańsk on 13 May 1996 of a protocol agreement
on the principles of Kashubian language spelling was therefore a very
significant event. At last, via community consensus, a developed standard
written language was established (Zieniukowa 2004; Treder 2005). Currently
11
In 2005, for the first time, 14 people sat the written school-leaving examination in the
Kashubian language in the Kashubian High School in Brusy (Kaszubskie Liceum
Ogólnokształcące), the Kashubian High School (Kaszubskie Liceum) in Strzepcz and the
Catholic High School (Katolickie Liceum Ogólnokształcące) in Kartuzy. In the following
years this number was: 2006 – 11 people, 2007 - 27 people, 2008 – 8 people, 2009 – 9
people, 2010 – 26 people , 2011 – 21 people, 2012 – 41 people, 2013 – 33 people (and
among these, for the first time, 2 people from Bytów).
12
Information: skarbnicakaszubska.pl
the work of standardisation is being carried out by the Kashubian Language
Council set up by the ZK-P, publishing an annual “Bulletin” containing
material relating to a variety of language issues.
All of these activities have resulted in the shaping of a standardised
literary Kashubian, although researchers and its creators themselves say it is
still “in statu nascendi” (Stone 1972. Breza 1997). It is an ongoing process
and education will undoubtedly have great influence on its course.
In the context of the above remarks, it should be stressed that the teaching
of the Kashubian language in schools has developed spectacularly in recent
years. In relation to the period of a dozen years ago or more, the growth is
twelvefold. Undoubtedly, behind this stands a significant financial support in
the form of increased subsidies, received by those local self-governments
whose schools teach the Kashubian language (a similar mechanism affects the
education of other national and ethnic minorities). This financing increased
together with the growth in the number of pupils in schools. In the 2005
budget year it was over 5 million PLN and in 2012 it was over 60 million
PLN13.
Unfortunately, the mechanism for receiving this subsidy is constructed in
such a way that local self-governments do not have to allocate it to Kashubian
education and in fact do not have to spend it on education at all. It is a
constant source of controversy and disagreements in local communities. It
does not however alter the fact that today it is local self-government which is
the most interested party in developing Kashubian education in schools. In
this way it is spreading to areas where not many people have declared a
knowledge of the Kashubian language. It sometimes even happens that the
number of children and young people being taught exceeds the number of
people declaring knowledge of the language.
Table 5 – The number of people speaking Kashubian and pupils being
taught the Kashubian language.
Pomeranian Voivodship counties:
Bytowski
Chojnicki
Gdański
Kartuski
Kościerski
Lęborski
Pucki
Słupski
Wejherowski
13
People using the
Kashubian language
(NSP 2011)
Pupils learning the
Kashubian language
107,742
17,585
8,779
1,543
429
47,276
4,586
2,044
17,667
No data
23,043
2,447
1,042
769
4,471
2,031
1,063
1,340
1,190
2,583
According to information from the Ministry of Education.
City Gdańsk
City Gdynia
City Słupsk
City Sopot
985
1,141
No data
No data
176
157
236
80
electronic version. Tab. 55. http://stat.gov.pl/spisy-powszechne/nsp-2011/nsp2011-wyniki/struktura-narodowo-etniczna-jezykowa-i-wyznaniowa-ludnoscipolski-nsp-2011,22,1.html Data from the Education Information System,
30.09.2014 (provided by the Office of Education of the KashubianPomeranian Association)
In the above context one can only conjecture what the effect of realising
such widespread Kashubian education will be on awakening linguistic
awareness among the Kashub people – especially in peripheral areas or in city
communities Also, to what extent will such widespread language education
affect the level of linguistic and cultural competence. Unfortunately, despite
nearly a quarter of a century of realising Kashubian education, research into
its effects has not yet been undertaken.
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Kashubian identity and education as key elements of language policy

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