abstracts - Uniwersytet Jagielloński

Politeja 2(14)/2010
ABSTRACTS
Anna KAGANIEC-KAMIEŃSKA
Uniwersytet Jagielloński
AMERYKAŃSKA POLITYKA JĘZYKOWA
WOBEC TERENÓW PRZYŁĄCZANYCH
W WYNIKU EKSPANSJI TERYTORIALNEJ
American language policy towards annexed territories
Even though the English language does not have an official status in the United States, it is
ideologically linked to the American national identity. Founding Fathers made „a deliberate
choice of a policy not to have a policy‟, as far as language is concerned. However,
unsurprisingly, English became the most common language in the colony and Americans
acted as if it were official. It was imposed on the immigrants at the turn of the 20 th century
(while the contemporary immigration makes the language issue very much up-to-date), and
linguistic (and cultural) assimilation was also an important issue as for the conquered and the
colonized territories. The article focuses on the American language policy at the earliest stage
of the formation of the United States, and the policy towards the restrictions of non-English
language use in the conquered and annexed territories (Native Americans, French-language
natives of Louisiana, Spanish-speakers in the Southwest and Puerto Rico, as well as the
population in Hawaii).
Bożena SOBCZAK
Uniwersytet Jagielloński
GŁÓWNE KIERUNKI POLITYKI ZAGRANICZNEJ GEORGE’A
BUSHA WOBEC POSZCZEGÓLNYCH REGIONÓW ŚWIATA
Main directions of Goerge Bush’s foreign Policy towards different regions of the world
The election of George Bush as a successor of Ronald Reagan meant that United States would
experience another four years of “Reganism” (Regan Policy) but without Reagan himself.
During the election campaign Bush presented himself as kinder and gentler politician and a
better – softer “version” of his predecessor. No big changes having in world politics seemed
to be happening. But when four years later George Bush stood down his office and devolved
it to his successor Bill Clinton, the world seemed to be completely different. The Soviet
Union disappeared from the map in 1990, two German states reunified and in Poland,
Czechoslovakia, Hungary and other so far communist countries democratic governments were
elected. In 1991 United States of America established an international coalition, among others
consisted of the Soviet Union – hitherto existing enemy. This international coalition
suppressed an Iraq invasion on Kuweit. At the same time in the Republic of South Africa the
apartheid collapsed. Somewhere, among these events George Bush was still presented –
sometimes as a participant, sometimes as a main actor, and sometimes as an observer. He got
to be known as an obdurate apostle of nations independency, tough diplomat, demanding
negotiator, but also as calm and well -balanced statesman. Achievements of that time on the
international stage created his image as a confident and reliable expert for foreign affairs. The
purpose of this article is to analyze international policy of the United States between 1989 and
1993 under George Bush administration.
Marcin GRABOWSKI
Uniwersytet Jagielloński
STANY ZJEDNOCZONE
W REGIONIE AZJI I PACYFIKU –
CELE I ZAŁOŻENIA POLITYKI
W LATACH 1989 -2009
United States in the Asia Pacific. Policy goals in 1989-2009
The main goal of the paper is to present goals and objectives of the American foreign policy
towards the Asia-Pacific region (1989-2009). The period under discussion may be
characterized by drastic changes in a global and regional geopolitical environment. In that
context it is worth to monitor changes or lack of changes in the U.S. foreign policy towards
this more and more important region of the world. The article refers to administrations of
three U.S. presidents: George Herbert Bush (1989-1993), William Jefferson Clinton (19932001) and George Walker Bush (2001-2009). The analysis takes into account mechanisms of
shaping U.S. policy towards Asia-Pacific, a theoretical background of U.S. foreign policy and
basic program documents of the U.S. administration. It is worth noticing that in spite of
essential changes in world and regional systems, U.S. FP objectives towards the region
remained similar, considering current political situation.
Przemysław FURGACZ
Uniwersytet Jagielloński
DZIAŁALNOŚĆ WYWIADOWCZA
CHIŃSKIEJ REPUBLIKI LUDOWEJ
W STANACH ZJEDNOCZONYCH AMERYKI
W DOBIE POZIMNOWOJENNEJ
Intelligence activities of the Peoples Republic of China in USA after the cold war
In recent years a growing intelligence activity of the People‟s Republic of China has been
observed by U.S. counterintelligence services. The increasing expansion of Chinese
intelligence in the United States of America is a serious threat to American national security.
Chinese espionage on U.S. territory is so common and so intensive that it became a topic of
national debate. A real breakthrough in perceiving this threat was issuing the so -called Cox
report which took place during Bill Clinton‟s second term. The conclusions of the report were
alarming, to put it mildly. The article shortly presents the crucial theses of the Cox report and
controversies regarding its conclusions. Moreover, it raises the question of cyberespionage
and cyberwarfare – a kind of Chinese intelligence activity that is very troublesome to various
U.S. institutions. The highly computerized and informatized United States seem to be
extraordinarily vulnerable to acts of cyberterrorism and cyberespionage. It is a real Achilles‟
heel of the USA. Apart from that, the article enumerates and describes the most characteristic
features of Chinese spying activities in the USA. The presidency of George W. Bush
witnessed further intensification of unfriendly activities of Chinese spies. It was reflected by
many well -known cases of Chinese spies identified and arrested by U.S. counterintelligence
institutions and then found guilty by U.S. courts. Several examples of such cases are
presented in the article as well as the spheres and fields that are especially
susceptible to Chinese intelligence penetration.
Przemysław ŁUKASIK
Uniwersytet Jagielloński
„AMERICAN GREEDY SHYLOCK”– GENEZA
I EWOLUCJA NIEMIECKIEGO ANTYAMERYKANIZMU
“American greedy shylock: origins and evolution of German antiamericanism
Anti -Americanism is a constant critical attitude to social, economic and political institutions,
tradition and values of the United States. Anti -Americanism is the ability to interpret
America‟s actions through earlier established images and negative stereotypes. Essence of the
German Anti -Americanism is based on the distinction between: Kulturnation „cultural
nation‟ – Germany and Staatnation „state nation‟ – America. Kulturnation is nation as a
community of people who are bound together by common language, culture, tradition and
religion. It is not dependent on existing or lacking state borders. Staatnation is a conception in
which all people living in a country, no matter of ethnical heredity or mother language, as a
result of independent and free will they create one nation.In the nineteenth century Germany
anti -democratic Anti –Americanism was typical reaction for an American attempt to create a
community of free and equal citizens based on abstractive ideals of the Enlightenment.
„Hypocrisy of Wilson‟s idealism‟ after I World War formed among Germans image of
Americans, as people who speak like preacher and act like businessmen.
Tomasz MŁYNARSKI
Uniwersytet Jagielloński
STRATEGICZNE IMPLIKACJE
ENERGETYCZNEJ RYWALIZACJI W BASENIE
MORZA KASPIJSKIEGO W XXI WIEKU
UNIA EUROPEJSKA – ROSJA – CHINY:
INTERESY, EKSPANSJA, WSPÓŁPRACA
Strategic implications of the competition over energy resources in the Caspian region in
the twenty first century. The EU – Russia – China: interests, expansion, cooperation
The Caspian region for centuries was the arena of geopolitical rivalry for Russia, Turkey,
Iran, Britain and France to establish control and influence in the area. The emergence of
independent states in Central Asia followed by disintegration of the USSR, has brought new
reality in terms of politics and economy in the region and created opportunities for western
energy companies to access sources of energy alternative to Gulf countries. Currently, the
“new great game” in Central Asia – competition for strategic influence and take control over
transportation routes for oil and natural gas an from the Caspian Basin, is focusing regional
and global interests of great powers, both in terms of security and economic aspects related
with prospects of energy resources exploration. Among the EU-27 member states, there is a
serious split in the approach to energy security issue, dictated by interests diversity. Shaping a
common EU energy policy requires the full commitment of the European Commission and
EU Member States. The creation of a coherent EU energy policy towards the Caspian region
means to define a common energy interests of member states. But this depends on political
willingness to overcome particularistic interests of the largest states when they are in collision
with strategic goals of the Community.
Dorota PIETRZYK-REEVES
Uniwersytet Jagielloński
WOLNOŚĆ I ŁAD REPUBLIKI:
WŁOSCY HUMANIŚCI I ZNACZENIE
TRADYCJI REPUBLIKAŃSKIEJ
Liberty and order of the republic: Italian humanists
and the meaning of the republican tradition
The aim of this article is to provide a critical analysis of the development and evolution of
some main concepts in the early modern republican tradition that developed in Italy,
especially in Florence. It is argued that Italian republicanism was not only influenced by
humanism, but also by concepts in legal and political philosophy formulated in the thirteenth
and fourteenth centuries, including those of glossators and William of Ockham. Mature
republicanism of Quattrocento and that of Machiavelli posed a crucial question of the best
way to preserve a republic, that is on the relationship between order, liberty and virtue. Its
significance cannot be overestimated even today.
Renata KRÓL-MAZUR
Uniwersytet Jagielloński
IDEA ODRODZONEGO PAŃSTWA POLSKIEGO W POGLĄDACH
GALICYJSKICH UGRUPOWAŃ POLITYCZNYCH
DO UTWORZENIA NACZELNEGO KOMITETU NARODOWEGO
The idea of the rebirth of the Polish state in the views of Galician political parties
until the end of 1914
The article is the first part of a larger project which focuses on the issues concerning the
establishment and the first period of activity of Naczelny Komitet Narodowy (Central
National Committee) until the end of 1914. It attempts to answer the question whether there
were any prospects to reach agreement between different political parties which not only had
dissimilar political and social views, diverse conceptions of how to regain independence of
the Polish state, but also different attitudes towards members of other nationalities. The article
discusses an evolution of viewpoints and opinions of the main political parties active in
Galicia just before the outbreak of the First World War (socialists, conservatives, democrats,
Polskie Stronnictwo Postępowe, Stronnictwo Demokratyczno-Narodowe) as regards the idea
of the rebirth of the Polish state.
Barbara STOCZEWSKA
Uniwersytet Jagielloński
POLSKA MYŚL KONSERWATYWNA
OKRESU MIĘDZYWOJENNEGO
WOBEC KWESTII UKRAIŃSKIEJ
Polish conservative thought of the interwar period on the Ukrain
The article focuses on the so-called Ukrainian issue in the light of the Polish conservative
thought in the times of the Second Republic. The problem of conservative ideology regarding
the matter has been thoroughly examined here, not only in the days preceding the outbreak of
the First World War, but in the between the wars period as well. The in-depth analysis carried
out below clearly shows that the conservatives were, in their majority, strong supporters of the
modus vivendi policy which Poland, they believed, could only benefit from. This sentiment,
however, had been frequently reviewed, depending on the current political and economic
situation, both on the national and international scene. Before Poland regained her
independence in 1918, they had been often inclined to support the idea of federation and,
hoping for the eruption of social and political turmoil in Russia, consequently propped up the
activities of the Ukrainian nationalists there. In the between the wars interlude Polish
conservatives adopted basically two different approaches to the problem of the Ukrainian
issue: some would claim that assimilation was the only answer, others would resolve to the
postulate of the Great Ukraine. Regardless of their attitude and political sentiments, though,
the conservatives consequently supported the idea of Polish national minority growing strong
in number and political magnitude on the eastern frontier, traditionally dominated by the
Ukrainians. This uncompromising stance, however, mostly brought about by the cultural and
socio-economic backgrounds, had never, intentionally at least, instigated any form of ethnic
conflict.
Mikołaj RYSIEWICZ
Uniwersytet Jagielloński
DEMOKRACJA I DYKTATURA
W PRAWNO -PAŃSTWOWYM NAMYŚLE
KONSTANTEGO GRZYBOWSKIEGO
PRZYPADEK REFLEKSJI ANTYDOGMATYCZNEJ
Democracy and dictatorship in legal and political thought of Konstanty Grzybowski.
The case of antidogmatic reflection
The article‟s aim is to present and examine the concept of democracy and the democratic
dictatorship in legal and political thought of Konstanty Grzybowski, Polish conservative jurist
and political thinker. The research‟s interest refers only to the interwar period, precisely the
time between 1925 (first Grzybowski‟s publication) and 1939. Presentation of selected
moments in thinker‟s biography is followed with the brief outline of his political orientation
and it‟s constitutive elements. The author underlines the importance of Grzybowski‟s thought
which is founded on the clear distinction between democracy and liberalism, that nowadays
seems to be forgotten.
Marek MACIEJEWSKI
Uniwersytet Wrocławski
Łukasz MACHAJ
Uniwersytet Wrocławski
THE CONCEPT OF EUROPEAN UNITY
IN THE POLITICAL THOUGHT
OF THE SECOND AND THIRD
POLISH REPUBLIC – AN OUTLINE
The subject matter of the article is the concept of European unity in political thought of the
Second and Third Polish Republic. The concept of European unity is firmly entrenched in the
traditions of Polish political thought. The intellectual and doctrinal roots of pro-unification
viewpoint can easily be traced back to fourteenth/fifteenth century and to so-called „Polish
school of law between nations”. The political climate in the inter-war Poland was not very
conducive to the development of the ideas of European unity. National antagonisms and
conflicts tearing the continent apart, Poland‟s unfriendly relations with many of her
neighbors, serious economic difficulties, the joy at the freshly recovered independence-these
factors contributed to the relative scarcity-and unpopularity-of such concepts. Nevertheless
there were certain substantial exceptions to this general rule. Paneuropeanism was one of such
proposals of continent‟s transformation in a communal spirit which found its reflection in
Polish political thought during the period of the Second Republic. Of course it wasn‟t an
original product of Polish doctrine of international relations. It was first put forward by
Austrian diplomat Richard N. Coudenhove-Kalergi. He propagated the creation of the United
States of Europe which were supposed to come into being in a gradual manner as a final result
of a process of establishing Paneuropean customs union.
Marcin LUBERTOWICZ
Uniwersytet Jagielloński
FORMUŁA RADBRUCHA
JAKO INSTRUMENTARIUM
SPRAWIEDLIWOŚCI TRANZYCYJNEJ
Radbruch’s Formula as an instrument of transitional justice
This article is a case study on point of statutory lawlessness an supra-statutory law doctrine
application, in processes of reckoning with the past of totalitarian regimes. At the beginning,
the author defined the transitional justice and he described difficulties connected with its
application. There is also explained the term of Radbruch‟s formula and its origin. In this
consideration, there is touched the subject area of using the Radbruch‟s formula application in
de-Nazification processes, in post-war Germany. The author raised the problem of
retroactivity the Allied Control Council‟s acts that was penalizing Nazi war crimes.
The problem of Radbruch formula‟s application in processes of reckoning with the former
GDR past is also reviewed. The author outlined the transitional justice procedures in United
Germany based on criminal trials of “Berlin Wallshooters”. In conclusion the article, the
author tries to recapitulate the process of Radbruch formula‟s application as an instrument of
retrospective justice. The author points to a possibility of using statutory lawlessness and
supra-statutory law doctrine in future, especially in situation of regime change.
Simultaneously, there was formulated a prediction that Radbruch‟s formula will have being
completed by international human rights system in transitional justice procedures.
Krzysztof BRZECHCZYN
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
PRZEGRANA WOJNA CZY PRZEGRANA REWOLUCJA?
PRÓBA PARAFRAZY KONTROWERSJI WOKÓŁ MECHANIZMÓW
DEMOKRATYZACJI SPOŁECZEŃSTW ZACHODNICH
W SOCJOLOGII HISTORYCZNO–PORÓWNAWCZEJ
Lost war or lost revolution? An attempt to paraphrase the controversy
over mechanism of democratization of Western societies in historicalcomparative sociology
It is maintained – mostly in the leftist social thought – that the victorious revolution are
optimal method of social change leading to desired social order. The domination of normative
dimension over the descriptive one in this kind of social reflection caused that the examples of
revolutionary despotism is often overlooked. This problem can be properly posed in such kind
reflection on revolution in which descriptive dimension is clearly distinguished from the
normative one. This is a case of theories of revolution formulated in historical comparative
sociology. The aim of this essay is critical examination of approaches on consequences of
revolutions and mechanisms of democratization developed by Jack A. Goldstone, Ted Robert
Gurr, Erich Weede, and Edward N. Muller. The critical analysis reveals some their flaws and
disadvantages. The paraphrase of mentioned-above theories in notion apparatus of Leszek
Nowak‟s theory of power in non-Marxian historical materialism allows for their explication
and – in some cases – further extension.
Sławomir WYCIŚLAK
Uniwersytet Jagielloński
Beata KOSOWSKA-GĄSTOŁ
Uniwersytet Jagielloński
ZASTOSOWANIE ELEMENTÓW
TEORII ORGANIZACJI I ZARZĄDZANIA
W BADANIACH NAD PAR TIAMI POLITYCZNYMI
On the usefulness of some elements of the theories of organization and management in
research on political parties
The aim of this article is to consider the possibility of using the elements deriving from
organization and management theory in studies on political parties. The following issues have
been analyzed in particular: organization‟s goals, conceptions of development, environment
and boundaries, structure and selected functions as well as strategic analysis methods. The
authors have applied the system approach, which makes it possible to compare objects
representing various research disciplines. The belief that both the company and the party are
organizations that create specific systems has made us lean towards choosing this way. The
analysis has shown that the studies on the parties as well as the parties themselves could
benefit a lot from applying organization and management science. The parties should in
particular: firstly – focus on having the organization last in time, which is connected to
development and adjustment to the environment; secondly – pay attention to the need of
optimizing their structures (balancing between hierarchic and stratarchic, centralized and
decentralized, formalized and deformalized structures); thirdly – attach more importance to
elaboration of appropriate strategies as well as use of strategy management methods and
techniques.
Aleksandra POHL
Uniwersytet Jagielloński
KONCEPCJA OSOBOWOŚCI AUTORYTARNEJ
The concept of authoritarian personality
The main goal of this article is to present the concept of the authoritarian personality, which is
considered to be a significant attempt at an explanation of an individuals disposition to
support extremist ideologies. The concept was first presented in The Authoritarian
Personality, a book written by Theodor W. Adorno, Else Frenkel -Brunswik, Daniel J.
Levinson and Robert Nevitt Sanford, which was published in 1950. They concluded that there
exists a syndrome of personality traits which explain an individual‟s susceptibility to
antidemocratic ideologies. On the basis of complex quantitative and qualitative research they
concluded that this syndrome consists of such personality traits as: conventionalism,
authoritarian submission, authoritarian aggression, anti intraception, superstition and
stereotypy, power and toughness, destructiveness and cynicism, projectivity and sex. It should
be noted that although that concept was severely criticized it became an inspiration for
different
approaches.
Piotr ROMANIUK
Śląski Uniwersytet Medyczny w Katowicach
Kolegium Nauk Społecznych Wyższej Szkoły Ekonomiczno -Humanistycznej w Bielsku
Białej
KAPITAŁ SPOŁECZNY –
PODEJŚCIA DEFINICYJNE ORAZ
ICH MIEJSCE W NAUKACH SPOŁECZNYCH
Social capital: conceptual approaches and their role in social sciences
The article refers to the concept of social capital, which is in recent years very popular among
researchers active in the field of social sciences. The author attempts to recapitulate the most
popular definitional approaches to this concept, presenting the four most famous among them
and putting them into two main groups, one of which is characterized by treating social
capital as a specific category of resource owned by individuals in connection with their
interactions with other people and communities. Second group of approaches recognize social
capital as a kind of metaphor that allows to describe the formulation of a broader catalogue of
social phenomena, located primarily in the sphere of cultural values and ethics. This approach
shows at the same time a strong relationship with the way of understanding civil society
arising of the tocquevillean tradition. In the last part of the paper an attempt was taken to
formulate a synthetic definition of the term “social capital”, referring to previous efforts taken
by international authors to formulate a compromise definition combining both of these groups
of definitional approaches.
Adina ZEMANEK
Uniwersytet Jagielloński
WYBRANE ASPEKTY
KONFUCJAŃSKIEGO MODELU KOBIECOŚCI
Some aspects of the Confucian model of feminity
This article presents and discusses the situation of women in imperial China, available to
Polish readers interested in this subject. The few works related to Chinese women published
so far in Poland often depict them as victims of Confucian patriarchalism, deprived of any
possibility of shaping their own lives. Meanwhile, the situation of women in the Chinese
empire was more complex than that, due to a host of factors such as: ethnic and social status,
geographic location, and so on. This article focuses on the Confucian model of womanhood as
an ideal construct that changed in the course of history and was often in conflict with actual
social practice. The Confucian model is discussed in the context of various aspects in the life
of upper -class Han Chinese women, in various historical periods.
Marta MŁODZIANOWSKA
Uniwersytet Jagielloński
LIDERZY RELIGIJNI JAKO GWIAZDY
AMERYKAŃSKIEJ POPKULTURY
Religious leaders as stars of the American pop-culutre
The article presents American religious leaders who acquired the status of popular culture
stars. The phenomenon of extraordinary popularity of charismatic preachers in the USA dates
back to the Puritan era. Nevertheless, it wasn‟t until the era of electronic media that the great
career of American ministers began.
Religious leaders were provided with new tools to propagate their message and they gradually
gained mastery of using them. The label of the progenitor of religious celebrities is
traditionally assigned to Billy Sunday who was active in the end of the 19th and the beginning
of the 20th century. After him came the pioneers of radio ministry (S. Parkes Cadman) and
first TV stars in religious show –business (Fulton J. Sheen). The article focuses on some
outstanding figures who in the space of the decades had major influence on televangelism.
These are: Billy Graham, recognized as the most famous pastor of all times; Oral Roberts,
popular healer, businessman and hero of well -known scandals; Robert Schuller, founder of
the famous Crystal Cathedral and promoter of the institution of megachurches; and Joel
Osteen, representative of the young generation of televangelists and pastor of the biggest
church in the USA. What is common to all these figures is great charisma, perfect mastery of
the techniques of creating self -image and influencing people as well as the ability to meet
people‟s needs. Thanks to these attributes these pastors turned into the icons of the American
pop -culture.