abstracts - Uniwersytet Jagielloński

POLITEJA 1(15)/2011
ABSTRACTS
Sebastian WACIĘGA
Uniwersytet Jagielloński
CIVIC LEARNING IN THE MUSEUM
CAPACITIES AND METHODS
The citizenship embraces axiological as well as praxeological qualities of a subject. Both
these aspects could be reflected upon and practiced in the educational process. Assuming that
citizenship is the core of civil society, the fundamental question is the content of the
contemporary citizenship and the proper forms of its dissemination with respect to individual
reflectivity and autonomy. The civic learning with the central position of the active and
reflective learning subject supported by educator seems to meet this conditions. The purpose
of the paper is to indicate the potential of the museums in facilitating the process of civic
learning and to exemplify it with several cases providing the methods supportive to civil
society.
Anna WROŃSKA
Uniwersytet Jagielloński
ANTYBAJKOWA KAMPANIA W ZSRR
Anti-fairy-tale campaigne in USSR
From the Communist point of view, focused on the idea of the creation of the New Soviet
man, suitable literature for children was unusually important. The party education supervisors
did their best to bring children up among promoted by the Communist Party values. This
process took place, among other things, by removing from fairy tales all motives, regarded as
conflicting with realized educational aim. Fairy tales became a form of the ideological
transfer, which had to form children‟s consciousness. This contributed to appearance of new
Soviet fairy tales which promoted values recognized by the Communist system for superior
(first of all – work). The Soviet fairy tale modified the traditional pattern of this short
narrative significantly, introducing new characters, different justification of their conduct and
a new vision of the world. Simultaneously, in the USSR fairy tales written before the Soviet
period were crushingly criticized, as well as these stories written in Soviet Russia, which did
not fulfill criteria putting forward by the leading ideologists. Fairy tales written by Korney
Chukovsky were recognized as particularly harmful and were under severe criticism.
Chukovsky was one of the most popular children‟s classics who came out in support of this
short narrative.
Radosław SŁAWOMIRSKI
Uniwersytet Jagielloński
TWÓRCZOŚĆ BUŁATA OKUDŻAWY
JAKO PRZEJAW RADZIECKIEJ
KULTURY ALTERNATYWNEJ
The work of Bulat Okudzhava as an example of Russian alternative culture
The times of communist totalitarianism and the social realism ubiquitous in art – “culture
embroiled in socialism, fully appropriated by the ideology” were a difficult period for the
Russian culture. Special resolutions of the Party on literature, theatre, film and music were
one of the measures to enforce total subordination of this sphere of life to the authorities.
Artists opposing the prevailing ideological and aesthetic standards were forced to issue their
politically incorrect works beyond the borders of the communist bloc in the so-called tamizdat
or to duplicate works personally – in the so called samizdat. A question arises whether free
creation was at all possible in the official circulation at the time of Soviet censorship? An
analysis of the culture of that period allows for an argument that such was the poetry of the
Russian bards, which was pioneered by Bulat Okudzhava. The poetry of Okudzhava and its
popularity with nearly the entire Soviet society is a phenomenon in the communist bloc. The
poetry has a libertarian dimension, manifesting itself in its autonomy from the dictates of the
power and ideology and the accompanying lies. The author avoided both the tamizdat and
samizdat and also conformism. His liberation poetry became known officially and thanks to
its universal values it became an alternative to the Soviet culture.
Kamil SZYBALSKI
Uniwersytet Jagielloński
KOBIETA HOMO SOVIETICUS
W POWIEŚCI WŁADIMIRA WOJNOWICZA
SPIŻOWA MIŁOŚĆ AGŁAI
Woman homo sovieticus in Monumental Propaganda by Vladimir Voinovich
This article presents the cultural problem of an activist woman in USSR on the basis of the
novel Monumental Propaganda (Polish: Spiżowa miłość Agłai) written by Vladimir
Nikolayevich Voinovich. Aglaia is shown as a woman, who remained faithful to Stalin and
his communist ideology during the changing times and circumstances. The main topic
discussed in the novel is Stalin`s monument, the source of troubles and inspirations not only
for Aglaja, but also for the city-Dolgowo, where the action of the story takes place.
Monika BANAŚ
Uniwersytet Jagielloński
ZINTEGROWANE SPOŁECZEŃSTWO.
REALNOŚĆ, POZORY CZY UTOPIA?
KILKA UWAG O SZWEDZKIM MODELU
SPOŁECZNEJ INTEGRACJI
Integrated society. Reality or utopia? A few remarks on the
Swedish model of social integration
This article examines the model of integration policy in Sweden. The case of Sweden has
been taken as an example of relatively effective way of constructing an integrated multiethnic
and multicultural society. Sweden during the 20th century underwent a dramatic
transformation, from an ethnically and culturally homogeneous country, becoming in short
time multiethnic and multicultural. Swedish integration policy is being discussed here from
two perspectives: from the historical one concentrating on the origin and evolution, applied
ideology, intellectual background of the main actors and creators, and from the contemporary
perspective including aspects like: financial and social costs, arrangement of work market,
education, competence evaluation and NGOs involvement.
Jakub Jarosław SOKÓŁ
Uniwersytet Jagielloński
DZIAŁALNOŚĆ POLITYCZNA
SERBÓW ŁUŻYCKICH W SAKSONII
Political activity of Lusatian Sorbs in Saxony
The Lusatian Sorbs are the Slavic national minority, which does not have its own state. They
live in the Upper Lusatia belonging to Saxony and in the Lower Lusatia under control of
Brandenburg. The Lusatian Sorbs‟ cultural rights are guaranteed by the law. In Saxony these
are the Constitution of the union county as well as the Law about Lusatian Sorbs‟ Rights in
the Free Country of Saxony from March 31st 1999 that confer the Lusatian legislative power
and privileges. These people show their political commitment on the local, regional as well as
on the nation-wide level. Since 1995 the Free Sorbian Electoral Association (in Upper
Sorbian language: Swobodne serbske wolerske zjednoćenstwo - SSWZ) has been established
in Saxony. In every election the organization introduced one councillor to the district council.
Lusatian Sorbs from Saxony are the representatives in the councils of communes, the district
of Bautzen, in the Saxon Parliament and in the Bundestag. The Lusatian Sorb, Stanislaw
Tilich, holds the position of the prime minister of Saxony. The majority of Sorbian politicians
from Saxony, which are councillors in districts or representatives of the Parliament or
Bundestag, belongs to the German political parties. This nation fights constantly for the
statutory rights, also by taking part in demonstrations and protests.
Michał WAWRZONEK
Uniwersytet Jagielloński
POSTKOMUNIZM NA UKRAINIE
W ŚWIETLE KONCEPCJI
„TRZECH POCZĄTKÓW”
Post-communism in Ukraine in the light of the concept of „three beginnings”
As a result of the fall of the Soviet Union, the process of building (and rebuilding) the
Ukrainian identity took on new dynamics. The type and specificity of the Ukrainian version of
post-communism are important factors which determine this process. In the article, the author
demonstrates that the first split in the communist elites in Ukraine occurred as a consequence
of the following dividing line: „the country – servants of Moscow”. It happened even before
the Bolsheviks seized real power over Ukraine. Then, it was a significant factor which
consolidated the Ukrainian dissident movement. Not long ago, the conflict resulting from the
division „the country – servants of Moscow” resurfaced during the so-called „Orange
Revolution”. In accordance with Jadwiga Staniszkis‟s theoretical findings, and in particular in
the light of the concept of „the three beginnings”, these facts allow us to state that the
Ukrainian version of post-communism belongs to the Central-European type. This was
confirmed by the events surrounding the presidential election of 2004.
Janusz Józef WĘC
Uniwersytet Jagielloński
REFORMA WSPÓLNEJ POLITYKI
ZAGRANICZNEJ I BEZPIECZEŃSTWA
UNII EUROPEJSKIEJ
W TRAKTACIE LIZBOŃSKIM
The reform of common foreign and security Policy of the UE in the Lisbon Treaty
The subject matter of the article is the reform of the second pillar of the European Union in
the Treaty of Lisbon of 13 December 2007. The first part of the article presents systematics
of the Treaty provisions concerning The Common Foreign and Security Policy. The second
and third part deal with changes in The Common Foreign and Security Policy with The
Common Security and Defense Policy being its integral part.
Christopher REEVES
Akademia Ignatianum w Krakowie
Uniwersytet Jagielloński
‘THE END OF THE AFFAIR’?
THE UNITED STATES, POLAND,
AND CONTINENTAL DRIFT
In the early 1990s, Poland found itself sandwiched between the „security community‟ of
Western Europe and arc of instability that stretched from the Balkans in southern Europe to
the Caucasus in Southern Asia. Polish policy-makers believed that it was in Poland‟s best
interests to have a close, perhaps even „special‟, relationship with the United States. It will be
further argued that Poland‟s structural position within the European security system – the fact
that it was situated beyond the „paradise‟ of the Western European security community –
meant that policy-makers in Poland had a similar worldview to that of their counterparts in
Washington. Since Poland has joined the EU in 2004, however, the relationship between
Warsaw and Washington has begun to change. Poland‟s material interests are now more
clearly aligned with its European partners. Moreover, in recent years, the United States has
attached less geopolitical significance to Eastern Europe. The result has been a normalization
of the Polish-American bilateral relationship.
Maria DOMAŃSKA
Ministerstwo Spraw Zagranicznych1
POLITYKA REPUBLIKI
BIAŁORUSI WOBEC PAŃSTW
OBSZARU PORADZIECKIEGO
Policy of the Republic of Belarus towards the
former soviet republics
The article analyses current directions of the policy conducted by Belarus towards the former
Soviet republics. Three main problems are outlined therein: the external and internal
conditioning factors of the policy, its priorities, and activities in different spheres of bilateral
relations. Firstly, as regards the external conditioning factors, the stress has been made on
presenting the most important interests of Russia and the European Union vis-á-vis Minsk.
The analysis of internal factors encompasses historical-cultural, political-constitutional and
social-economic layers. Secondly, the article presents the priorities of Belarusian foreign
policy as laid down in strategic state documents and official speeches by the president – i.a.,
these are: the “multi-vector” character of the foreign policy, its “economization” (dominance
of economic dimension over other spheres of foreign relations), and – last but not least –
widely defined security (i.a. in the field of energy). Finally, the analysis features the current
state of Belarus‟ relations with other former Soviet republics, covering the political, economic
and security-military aspects thereof. Among the post-Soviet states a special position in
Minsk‟s policy is attributed to Russia, followed by Ukraine. Relations with the rest of the
states are of lesser importance to Belarus, however, recent years have seen a visible growth in
their dynamics. The latter can be, to a large extent, ascribed to the efforts made towards
diversification of international ties in the context of growing tension in Minsk‟s relations with
Moscow.
Ewa NOWAK
Uniwersytet Marii Curie -Skłodowskiej w Lublinie
RELACJE MEDIÓW JAKO
CZYNNIK INTERWENIUJĄCY
W STOSUNKACH MIĘDZYNARODOWYCH
KONCEPCJA CNN EFFECT
Interrelationship between the media as an intervening factor in international relations.
The conception of CNN EFFECT
This article combines the theoretical basis within the media effect theory, when it comes to
the interrelationships between the media and policy agenda and empirical seeking using the
popular methodology within these area, covering case studies. The main assumption is
grounded on the opinion that previous model in which media agenda generally follows policy
agenda is changing toward growing role of media in making politics. The detailed hypothesis
grounded in CNN effect concept, which is going to be proved in the study, implies that media
coverage should be considered as the intervention factor within the political decision-making
environment. The empirical data are analyzed using qualitative content analysis and case
study methods. The need of preparing the study is reasonable firstly because of the
progressive mediatization of political life and secondly because there are only a few studies
devoted to shifting salience between media and policy agenda including also CNN effect as
significant and developing media effect concept.
Łukasz KAMIEŃSKI
Uniwersytet Jagielloński
BRUTALNOŚĆ NOWOCZESNOŚCI
I AMERYKAŃSKA WOJNA SECESYJNA
The brutality of modernity and American civil war
While the Crimean War (1853-1856) was the first modern war, the American Civil War
(1861-1865) came to be the first modern total war, which foreshadowed a terrible modern
cruelty of the two World Wars. As such, the Civil War played a crucial role in the
transformation towards brutalization, totalization, and dehumanization of warfare in the West
in the 19th and 20th centuries. Since a modern war was the product of modernity, the origins of
its instrumentalization, technicalization, bureaucratization, and in turn also barbarization and
totalization can be drawn from „the dark face‟ of modernity. Modernity itself carried along a
great potential for progress and development, but also being exceptionally dialectical, also a
vast prospect for destruction. Therefore, one can look for connections between modern war
and the „cruelty of modernity‟, the Civil War being a good case study.
Marcin LASOŃ
Krakowska Akademia im. Andrzeja Frycza Modrzewskiego
STRATEGIA UDZIAŁU SIŁ ZBROJNYCH RP
W OPERACJACH MIĘDZYNARODOWYCH
The strategy of the participation of Polish arm forces in international operations
The involvement of the Polish Armed Forces in international operations in the first decade
of the twenty-first century has increased the interest in the military as an instrument of foreign
and security policy of Poland. During the 10 years since it had to operate within the NATO
military mission, the European Union, "Coalition of the Willing" and in UN peacekeeping
operations. This meant the necessity to equip it with the adequate forces and provided
opportunities for effective execution of the tasks posed, not only the military. On the other
hand, it required a proper decision where to send Polish army abroad. It was and still is the
more important because it absorbs significant costs - both financial and material, like a human
lifes, and
often
meets with
opposition
from the
public
opinion. Despite
significant international engagement in expeditionary operations in 2009 adopted “Strategy of
the Armed Forces participation in international operations”. The purpose of this article is to
present the basic concepts and implementations during the first year of its adoption. It
also helps to draw a conclusion on both - content and application, taking into consideration
the usefulness of the army as an instrument of foreign policy.
Arkadiusz LEWANDOWSKI
Uniwersytet Mikołaja Kopernika w Toruniu
KONCEPCJE REFORMY PAŃSTWA
W „KONSERWATYWNYCH” NURTACH
AKCJI WYBORCZEJ „SOLIDARNOŚĆ”
Concepts of state reforms in „conservative” movements of Akcja Wyborcza
„Solidarność”
The main goal of this article is to present the ideas of two Polish conservative political parties:
Christian National Union and Conservative People's Party, concerning state reforms. The
author outlines the history of both political parties in the 90‟s. and indicates the significance
of impact that Young Poland Movement, as common source for both political parties, had on
them. As far as state reforms are concerned, the author compares the ideas of mentioned
political parties and emphasizes these concerning political system, executive power, national
economy, public finance system, local government and issue of traditional values. Moreover,
the main similar elements and also main differences have been underlined.
Krzysztof KOŹBIAŁ
Uniwersytet Jagielloński
SYSTEM PARTYJNY
KSIĘSTWA LIECHTENSTEINU
Party-system of Liechtenstein
This article elaborates on the party system in Liechtenstein, from its inception to
contemporary day politics. In analyzing the development of political parties in this country
and taking into account current classifications, the author comes to the conclusion that it
should be classified as a two and a half party system. The article focuses on the continuity of
the system as well as its characteristics: the dominance of two parties; a high electoral
threshold for political parties, making it difficult for smaller parties to enter into parliament;
and a system of shared governance of the two dominant parties. These characteristics are the
result of, amongst other things, the voting tendencies of the citizens of Liechtenstein, who are
unwilling to change their voting preferences.
Łukasz JAKUBIAK
Uniwersytet Jagielloński
MODEL PARLAMENTARYZMU
DUALISTYCZNEGO WE FRANCJI
V REPUBLIKI NA TLE TENDENCJI
ROZWOJOWYCH FRANCUSKIEGO
KONSTYTUCJONALIZMU
Model of dual responsibility of the government in the French Fifth Republic and
the evolution of French constitutionalism
The article concerns the question of dual responsibility of the government in the French Fifth
Republic. The first part is devoted to origins and development of the dualistic parliamentary
system of government in France. According to this model ministers are politically responsible
not only before the monarch, but also before the parliament. In the second part the author
discusses the return to this model after the adoption of the current Constitution. In the light of
this act the government is politically responsible before the parliament. However, when the
dual executive comes from the same part of the political scene responsibility of the
government before the president of the Republic is much more important. The situation
changes significantly during periods of cohabitation. Under such circumstances the
government bears political responsibility for its actions only before the parliament. The head
of state is no longer able to dismiss the prime minister and other members of the government
at his own discretion. In conclusion, the author points out that in the French political system
there is no one coherent model of dual responsibility of the government because its shape is
influenced by different configurations on the political scene.
Rafał LIS
Akademia Ignatianum w Krakowie
WOJCIECH TURSKI
PRZECIW SUKCESJI TRONU
PRÓBA PONOWNEGO ODCZYTANIA MYŚLI
REPUBLIKAŃSKIEJ Z OKRESU SEJMU CZTEROLETNIEGO
Wojciech Turski against succession. A new reading of the republican
thought of the period of the Four-year Sejm
The article presents one of the most crucial issues of the pre-partitional Polish republican
thought, namely the criticism over the succession of the throne as it was exemplified by
Wojciech Turski‟s essays delivered in 1790 during a long publicists debate accompanying the
Four Years Seym (1788-1792). The aim of this attempt is to describe Turski‟s attitude against
a hereditary crown – including the general criticism over the throne, rejection of the English
inspiration, counter-arguments in the interregnum question, vision of “free and wellgoverned” rzeczpospolita, criticism of aristocracy and, last but not least, the imagination of
“national” and “popular” liberty – as complete and coherent. The author does not read
Turski‟s thought, revealing the influence of Jean-Jacques Rousseau‟s Considérations sur le
gouvernement de Pologne, as self-contradictory or paradoxical what the 19th century
historians tended to interpret. On the other hand, there is no need to agree definitely with
another way of reading, considering it as almost the herald of the new Jacobinian
republicanism in Poland, perhaps even shadowing the so called old-szlachta tradition of
political thinking. Generally, the author of the article would rather prefer to read Turski‟s
essays against the succession as one of the possible ways of expressing antimonarchical
republican rhetoric, inspired by Rousseau and connected with other voices against the
succession, even though they were different in many aspects, and applied in a concrete
political debate in 1790. Such a voice represents an interesting example of the intellectualpolitical progress of the ancient Rzeczpospolita which still merits new examinations.
Dariusz GRZYBEK
Uniwersytet Jagielloński
WCZESNA PUBLICYSTYKA
JĘDRZEJA GIERTYCHA JAKO
PRZEJAW EWOLUCJI IDEOWEJ
OBOZU NARODOWEGO
Early Works of Jędrzej Giertych as an example of the evolution of the Polish National
Party
This article analyses political ideas of Jędrzej Giertych presented in 1929 -1939 period, when
he was one of leading proponents of the „young‟ fraction of the Polish National Party
(Stronnictwo Narodowe), populary known as Endecja. Giertych‟s writings were shown as part
of the degeneration process of endecian political thought, early endecian political realism was
substituted by fantasies and conspiracy theories, taken from fringe to the core of endecian
ideology. Giertych blamed democracy and liberalism as results of „Jewish -freemasonic
conspiracy‟, to which belonged also the Commmunist International. The rise of Italian
Fascism,German hitlerism and Franco‟s rebelion in Spain were for Giertych sources of hope
as a part of the chain of „nationalist revolutions‟ passed through Europe. Giertych promoted a
nationalists revolution in Poland and also demanded total expulsion of Jews form Poland with
confiscating all Jewish property. His idea of„national government‟ was very unclear, certeinly
he expected one -party endecian rule, excluding free elections. In economic policy „national
government‟ ought to prefer small bussines and actively decentralized industrial production. It
is argued that generally, Giertychs‟ political writings pave the way to the transformation of
the Endecian ideology – from political realism to antimodern utopia.
Adrian TYSZKIEWICZ
Uniwersytet Jagielloński
RÓWNOWAGA I INTEGRACJA
EUROPEJSKA W KONCEPCJACH
GENERAŁA WŁADYSŁAWA SIKORSKIEGO
European equilibrium and integration in political
ideas of general Władysław Sikorski
General Wladyslaw Sikorski (1881-1943), the Prime Minister Of The Republic Of Poland
(1922/23; 1939-1943) and the General Commander Of Polish Allied Forces (1939-1943). As
an active participant of politics in the Mid – War Period he created a new vision of the
geopolitical deal in the Middle Eastern Europe based on both, the Christian Democracy values
the principle of a peaceful existence of nations. His attitude headed for the elimination of the
imperial threat coming from Germany and the USSR and establishing the new European order
where the political and economic cooperation of small countries from between The Baltic and
the Adriatic Sea would become an essence of vertically – oriented alliance. Even though his
vision seemed to be partly similar to the H. Mackinder‟s World Island Theory, especially in
the context of the role of the small nations in Europe, Sikorski managed to add some new
features like the idea of Christian morality against the totalitarian barbarity or the linking all
the involved national territories with the modern communication network. The Gibraltar‟s
crash did not mean the end of Sikorski‟s conception. In a sense it gave rise to Wyszehrad‟s
Triangle partnership after the Iron Curtain was fallen and became crucial to the political
efforts focused on Polish participation in the European Union.
Jolanta MYSIAKOWSKA-MUSZYŃSKA
Instytut Pamięci Narodowej w Warszawie
GRUPA „DZIŚ I JUTRO”
WOBEC PODSTAWOWYCH ZAŁOŻEŃ
IDEOWYCH POLSKIEGO RUCHU
NARODOWEGO 1945/1946
The group „Today and Tomorrow” towards the main ideas of Polish national movement
in 1945-1946
The article is devoted to the analysis of the attitude of the “Today and Tomorrow” group – a
circle licensed by the communist regime and rallying around Bolesław Piasecki – towards the
basic assumptions of the Polish national movement during the years 1945-1946. The author
strove to ascertain if, and to what degree, it dovetailed with the position of the underground
National Party. She concentrated on key elements in the forefront of this political camp‟s
thinking already during the Second Republic (prewar Poland). These included the approach
toward communism and the Soviet Union, and the resulting assessment of Poland‟s postwar
situation. The role ascribed after the Second World War by both of these circles to activists
declaring their commitment to the legacy of National Democracy was not without
significance in this context. The place of the Roman Catholic faith and Western tradition in
their ideological conceptions played an essential role.
Piotr MUSIEWICZ
Uniwersytet Jagielloński
KRÓTKA HISTORIA RUCHU
OKSFORDZKIEGO 1833-1845
O KONTROWERSJACH TRAKTARIAŃSKICH
ORAZ ICH KONTEKŚCIE POLITYCZNYM I RELIGIJNYM
A short history of the Oxford movement 1833-1845.
On Tractarian controversies and their political and religious context
In order to understand the significance of the Tractatian Movement in Oxford, we have to
examine the political and religious context of Europe after the French Revolution. Especially,
the author of the article outlines the situation in Great Britain in the first half of the XIX
century and the meaning of its parliamentary reformors. Then, we can understand the
Tractarian Movement as a conservative reaction against liberal changes in Church and State.
The leaders of the Movement (R.H. Froude, J. Keble, J.H. Newman, E.B. Pusey) will be
trying to oppose admission of dissenters into English parliament, the State‟s erastian polity
and reduction of the Church of England‟s authority. Their publications lead to the unexpected
conclusions about the position of Church of England and its authority. Some of these
conclusions undermined the constitution of English established Church, as they looked in
favour of doctrines of Church of Rome: one of this doctrines was institutional separation of
Church and State.