Irina Ognyanova The Catholic Church and the Ustasha nationalism

Sprawy Narodowościowe. Seria nowa, 33 – Abstracts
Irina Ognyanova
The Catholic Church and the Ustasha nationalism in Croatia
during the Second World War
Although the connections between the Catholic Church and the Ustashas were
lied down in the interwar period, they were developed in war-time Independent State
of Croatia (ISC). The Ustashas claimed the new regime “guaranteed” freedom and
“equality” of religion in Croatia, but they identified Catholicism with Croatism. Because of its national role in the Croatian history and traditional confrontation with
Orthodoxy, the government saw in the Catholic Church a natural ally. In contrast
to the last, which was tolerated by the state, the Serbian Orthodox Church was almost liquidated in the ISC and finally substituted by the Croatian Orthodox Church.
With an aim of assimilation of Serbs, the Nationalists undertook a religious policy
of their Catholicization in the country. But as an authoritarian regime, the Ustashas
tried to subordinate the Catholic Church to their authority and that led to a profound conflict with the priesthood.
After its bitter experience in Yugoslavia, the Catholic Church approved the creation of the sovereign Croatian state, but not the particular Ustasha rule. While the
lower clergy was more adaptive to the Ustasha influence, the higher hierarchy stayed
aside from the extreme nationalistic policy of the government. The Bishops defended
the Croatian national interests, that is why they protested against the anti-Croatian
policy of “allied” Italy and the German terror in the ISC. After the new government
started a war against all “national enemies” in the country – Serbs, Jews, and Gypsies, the Church demonstrated its disapproval of this practice. It rejected the genocide of the Orthodox population and never approved the forced conversions. It was
the institution that raised its voice against the policy of mass liquidation of the Jews
in the ISC and openly condemned racism and racial discrimination.
In its relationship to the authorities the hierarchy went through different stages
of cooperation and confrontation. After the first phase of support, a period of deterioration followed, to reach at the end of the war a new phase of normalization. But the
Archbishop was forced to maintain good official relations with the Ustasha regime,
which was merciless towards all political opponents. The Catholic Church was in a
privileged position in Croatia for the first time after 1918, and the regime was Croatian and pro-Catholic. The clergy stood for an independent Croatian state and did
not lose hope that it would have a new legitimate regime after the end of the war.
Key words: Catholic Church, religion, Catholicism, clergy, Independent State of Croatia, Nationalism, Ustasha regime, religious policy, Croatian Orthodox Church
Sprawy Narodowościowe. Seria nowa, 33 – Abstracts
Kościół katolicki a nacjonalizm chorwackich ustaszy
w okresie II wojny światowej
Związki pomiędzy Kościołem katolickim a ustaszami zostały zadzierzgnięte
już w okresie międzywojennym, ale rozwinęły się w czasie II wojny światowej
w Niezależnym Państwie Chorwackim (NPC). Ustasze utrzymywali, że nowy
reżim jest „gwarantem” swobody i „równości” wyznania w Chorwacji, choć z
chorwackością utożsamiali katolicyzm. Kościół katolicki dzięki roli, jaką pełnił
w dziejach Chorwacji i w tradycji opozycji wobec prawosławia, postrzegany był
przez rządzących jako ich naturalny sprzymierzeniec. Natomiast serbski Kościół
prawosławny w NPC został niemal zlikwidowany i ostatecznie zastąpiony przez
chorwacki Kościół prawosławny. Mając na względzie asymilację Serbów, narodowcy
narzucili krajowi katolicyzm. Ustasze w swych autorytarnych zapędach dążyli do
podporządkowania sobie Kościoła katolickiego, a to prowadziło do głębokiego konfliktu z duchowieństwem.
Po gorzkich doświadczeniach wyniesionych z Jugosławii Kościół katolicki
wyraził aprobatę dla utworzenia suwerennego państwa chorwackiego, ale nie dla
sprawowania rządów konkretnie przez ustaszy. Niższe duchowieństwo ulegało ich
wpływowi, podczas gdy hierarchowie nie uznawali skrajnie nacjonalistycznej polityki rządu. Biskupi, broniąc chorwackich interesów narodowych, protestowali przeciwko antychorwackiej polityce sprzymierzonych Włoch oraz terrorowi niemieckiemu
w NPC. Po tym, jak nowy rząd rozpoczął walkę z wszystkimi „wrogami narodu”
– Serbami, Żydami i Cyganami – Kościół wyraził swą dezaprobatę. Opowiedział się
przeciwko eksterminacji ludności prawosławnej i nigdy nie zaaprobował przymusowych konwersji. Kościół sprzeciwiał się też polityce masowej zagładzie Żydów w
NPC, otwarcie potępiając rasizm i dyskryminację rasową.
Relacje hierarchów z władzami przechodziły przez różne etapy, to współpracy,
to znów konfrontacji. Po pierwszej fazie okazywanego przez Kościół poparcia stosunki się pogorszyły, by pod koniec wojny wejść w nowy etap normalizacji. Arcybiskup jednak zmuszony był utrzymywać dobre relacje z reżimem ustaszy,
którzy wobec wszystkich swych przeciwników byli bezlitośni. Kościół katolicki
zyskał sobie uprzywilejowany status w Chorwacji po raz pierwszy po 1918 roku,
a reżim był w istocie chorwacki i prokatolicki. Duchowieństwo opowiadało się za
niepodległym państwem chorwackim i nie traciło nadziei, że po zakończeniu wojny
rządy sprawować będzie nowa legitymizowana władza.
Sprawy Narodowościowe. Seria nowa, 33 – Abstracts
Karolina Golemo
The Image of Poland and Poles in Italy before Poland’s accession
to the EU. Some remarks based on experts’ opinions
The article is based on field research regarding the perception of Poland and Poles in the
Italian society, carried out in Italy a few months before Poland’s entrance into the European
Union. It should be considered as a short and general-frame report being only a small part
of a wider research (including press content analysis, semi-structured questionnaires and indepth interviews). In this short report there is no theoretical and methodological depth, since
it tends to be only a general research results presentation. There are some experts, specialist in
Polish issues, to present their opinions about the image of Poland and Polish people in Italy
and its transformations during the last decades. Italian and Polish specialists raised some interesting questions concerning the perception of Poland and Poles in the Italian-Polish contacts context. Among topics examined during the research there are: the most recognized in
Italy events of Polish history and politics; the person of the Polish Pope; the transformation
of the stereotype of Poles in Italy, the interest towards Poland in the Italian university’s background, the knowledge of Polish culture in Italy.
Keywords: Polish-Italian contacts, social image, national stereotype, Polish immigrants in
Italy, opinion leaders
Obraz Polski i Polaków we Włoszech przed wejściem Polski do Unii
Europejskiej. Ogólne spostrzeżenia na podstawie opinii ekspertów
Artykuł opiera się na rezultatach badań dotyczących obrazu Polski i Polaków we włoskim
społeczeństwie, przeprowadzonych kilka miesięcy przed przystąpieniem Polski do Unii Europejskiej. Tekst ma formę ramowego raportu, który stanowi niewielką część szerszych badań
(obejmujących analizę treści włoskiej prasy oraz analizę kwestionariuszy ankiety i wywiadów
pogłębionych). Ten skrótowy raport nie zawiera rozbudowanej części teoretycznej i metodologicznej: jest to raczej ogólna prezentacja wyników badań. W artykule przedstawione są
opinie polskich i włoskich ekspertów, specjalizujących się w problematyce dotyczącej Polski. Ich wypowiedzi dotyczą obrazu Polski i Polaków we Włoszech i jego przemian w ostatnich dekadach, w kontekście kontaktów polsko-włoskich. Pośród problemów poruszonych
w wywiadach pogłębionych znalazły się m.in.: najbardziej znane we Włoszech wydarzenia
dotyczące polskiej historii i polityki; postać Papieża Polaka, przemiany stereotypu Polaków
we Włoszech, zainteresowanie Polską we włoskim środowisku uniwersyteckim, znajomość
polskiej kultury we Włoszech.
Sprawy Narodowościowe. Seria nowa, 33 – Abstracts
Joanna Nowak
Is Russia a True Nation? Romantic Disputes
over Interpreting the Russian Idea of Nation and State
In the first half of the 19th century, one can distinguish two main topics in the
wealth of reflections on the Russian idea of nation and state. The first topic refers
to an earlier period and concerns the origins of Russians, discussing whether they
are Slav or Asiatic. Some Romantic writers believed that Russians had Asiatic roots
in their character and civilization. They saw Russia always in Asia, and separated it
from Europe, to which it apparently constituted a permanent threat. For some others, Russia belonged to the Slav community, and – despite a distinct system of rule
and values – no one could doubt that Russia’s place was always in Europe. The second topic refers to a debate over whether Russia was a nation in the Romantic sense
(as a moral community of thought, feelings, purpose), or was just an artificial creation. Here opinions also differed. One can distinguish two main approaches, with
a couple of derivative, slightly distinct varieties. Accordingly, the first view was that
Russia was not a nation, but an artificial conglomerate, ruled by despotic sovereigns,
and without any dominant idea. On the contrary, the other interpretation holds that
Russia is a nation, although still dormant, or that it differs from other European
communities in that it once accepted despotic rule and thus developed in a different way.
Key words: Russia, nation, state, Europe, Asia
Sprawy Narodowościowe. Seria nowa, 33 – Abstracts
Katarzyna Wrzesińska
National Community or an “Aggregate of Slaves, Puppets and Bandits:”
National Democrats’ thoughts about Imperial Russia
At the turn of the 20th century, reflection on the Russian issue dominated the
body of illegal journalistic publications of the political parties which at that time
were emerging in the Polish territories. All these political parties, apart from the international Socialists, perceived the system exemplified by Russian rule as the main
threat to aspirations for Polish independence. Though the National Democrats finally stood for pro-Russian (in fact, pro-French and pro-British) orientation in 1908,
they still had a negative opinion of Russia and its role in the history of humanity, as
well as of the country itself as a nation and a community.
In their journalistic writings, the National Democrats, as well as the Socialists,
continued their analysis of permanent conflict between Europe and Asia, Poland
and Russia, to be a result of the existence of two different political systems: on the
one hand, democracy (Europe, Poland), and on the other, despotism (Russia). Moreover, the Russian nation was considered an artificial creation, ruled by means of terror and merciless bureaucracy. A constant feature of these publications was emphasis on the major differences between all things Russian and Polish. The aim of the
National Democrat journalists was to help prevent Russification.
Additionally, Russian philosophical and social thought was evaluated from the
point of view of Polish interests. National Democrats thus rejected all Russian ideas,
especially Pan Slavism, as tools of imperialist Russian politics.
Key words: National Democrats, imperial Russia, nation, stereotypes
Sprawy Narodowościowe. Seria nowa, 33 – Abstracts
Tomasz Wysocki
Some aspects of terminology in the studies of a population’s ethnic
structures (explication effort pertinent to the interwar period)
The purpose of this paper is to explicate essential terms related to ethnicity. It
contains definitions of such terms as nation, ethnicity, ethnic group, ethnographic
group, ethnic minority, assimilation. Also, the paper presents an outline of the ethnicity building process and touches upon the issue of native tongue as a criterion
defining ethnic membership. Additionally, the paper contemplates the correlation
between the declared native language and religious denomination. The analytical
database used for the purpose of this paper are Polish and foreign reference resources, as well as sociological and historical literature.
Key words: ethnicity, assimilation, native languague, religious denomination
Sprawy Narodowościowe. Seria nowa, 33 – Abstracts
Adam Pomieciński
City Anthropology and Multiculturalism
Multiculturalism has seemed an important term for ethnology for quite a long
time. Alongside such notions as, for example, globalization, hybridism and transculturalism, it belongs to those terms which best describe the specificity of contemporary culture. At the same time, from the moment when cultural anthropology began
exploring more closely the urban interior, multiculturalism became one of the most
important features describing the nature of city culture. Within the field of the anthropology of cities many different theories and discourses of multiculturalism are
germinating. Social diversity, cultural strangeness or the heterogeneity of the city
style of life all are finding their own “special” anthropological interpretations.
This essay focuses most of all on the presentation of various ethnological approaches to the issue of multiculturalism viewed in the light of the anthropology of
cities. It points to the ambiguity of the issue of multiculturalism, which appears as
one of the most distinctive features of metropolitan communities.
Key words: multiculturalism, anthropology of cities, urban identity, globalization
Sprawy Narodowościowe. Seria nowa, 33 – Abstracts
Marek Pawlak
Nationalism and postmodernity. Anthropological reflections
The main aim of the article is to present the idea of banal nationalism from the
anthropological perspective. Thus, the author shows various examples of nationalist
social and cultural practices that seem to be indispensable elements of contemporary
postmodern landscapes. However, nationalism is not presented here in its aggressive
and common use—it is not related to separatist social movements or radical rightwing political parties. Banal nationalism is rather perceived as a common aspect of
“our” (“Western”) everyday life and a specific way of contemporary nation identification. Therefore, the national space is at every turn—to use Michael Billig words—
“flagged” and perceived as “necessary,” “obvious” and “natural.” What is more, the
anthropological fieldwork the author carried out among international students in
Wrocław shows that even in the times so “liquid” as ours, it is almost impossible to
dispose of the national identity.
Key words: banal nationalism, identity, anthropology, postmodernity
Sprawy Narodowościowe. Seria nowa, 33 – Abstracts
Marcin Dębicki
Selected aspects of the orange revolution
from the socio-cultural perspective
The article concentrates on the orange revolution which took place at the end of
2004 in Ukraine, with special attention paid to the socio-cultural aspect of this event
(its political side is treated marginally here). In the analysis, the Polish perspective in
looking at the revolution was taken, which means that the author is interested in the
reasons why Poles became so engaged in what was happening there. At the same time
the article aims at outlining the history of Poles’ attitudes towards Ukrainians, which
seems to be a good starting point for analyses of Poles’ solidarity manifested then.
The orange revolution itself is presented here as a train of events which can symbolically assume the shape of drama. The sphere of culture constitutes also a background against which Julia Tymoshenko (at the time when the article was finished
– the Ukrainian prime minister) was described. This, by the way, gives us a chance
to look critically at the ways some politicians tend to present themselves.
The article points at some aspects of the Ukrainian reality which could be taken
into account while discussing the country’s and its people’s civilisational orientation, especially in the context of Poland’s ambition to be an architect of the so-called
EU Eastern policy. It is an important aspect of the revolution, too.
Key words: Orange Revolution, Ukraine, Poland
Sprawy Narodowościowe. Seria nowa, 33 – Abstracts
Tomasz Marciniak
The Europe of geography, politics, culture or economics:
Armenia and Turkey – Europe or Asia?
The Europe of today is not the Europe of geography, politics or culture. It is the
Europe of economics, to which everything is subjugated. Due to fast travel, geographical divisions do not count any more, political ones are of no value in the international world of cartels, and culture is globalized today. Turkey and Armenia,
two states which are longtime enemies, are an example of this new phenomenon in
both Europe and Asia. It is only the issue of membership of the European Union
which requires the univocal answer YES or NO to belonging, to one or the other
continent. The notion of “Europe” is thus vulnerable to change, due to the presence
of Islam and of new ‘guests’ who soon will make us, Europeans, ourselves guests
within Europe.
Key words: Turkey, Armenia, Europe, Asia, globalization
Sprawy Narodowościowe. Seria nowa, 33 – Abstracts
Justyna Kraszewska
Borderland – a space of choice
The term ‘borderland’ refers to a natural area comprising many languages, ethnoses and cultures. The borderland of the former Republic of Poland was situated
between civilizations and confessions, and its rhythm was defined by the West and
the East. The geographical dimension of borderlands should be regarded as spatial;
this refers to the ground as well as to the history of colonization. From a social point
of view, borderlands (ethnic, for example) do not feature clearly distinguished spatial
borders. Therefore, Borderlands can be considered as ‘situational’.
The condition of the inhabitants of Borderlands is characteristic of Jarosław
Iwaszkiewicz’s prose. It makes him transfer the world of confined esthetics into the
world of Mediterranean Europe by considering the lost space as an experience of
both memory and esthetics. As an artist, Iwaszkiewicz situates himself in Borderlands. He is considered ‘Ukrainian’ as well as cosmopolitan. These concepts should
be accompanied by the most essential term ‘Borderlines’, from which many other
categories originate. It provides the appropriate tools with which to examine Iwaszkiewicz’s work and to describe the writer’s sensitivity, esthetics, and perception of
the world, which come from a ‘crossing of traditions’.
Key words: borderlands, traditions, space
Sprawy Narodowościowe. Seria nowa, 33 – Abstracts
Bartosz Jeglejewski
Culture War in The United States of America
In the essay the author describes definition and origin of American culture war.
It is a war where traditionalists and progressivists fight against each other in the
name of their own moral visions. The main fields of the conflict are: family, education, media, pop culture, the arts, law, and politics. The aim of this essay is not only
to show orthodox and liberal points of view, but it also explains a role of religion in
cultural battles and presents diagnosis of such authors as James Davison Hunter,
Alan Wolfe, Gertrude Himmelfarb and Thomas Frank. The dialog between these
prominent researchers of the cultural conflict is an occasion to confront their predictions about the future of culture war and its influence for American society and
politics.
Key words: culture war, The United States of America, morality, religion, progressivists, traditionalists, politics