Eric Beckett Weaver Madness in the Media: Political extremism and

Sprawy Narodowościowe. Seria nowa, 26 – Abstracts
Eric Beckett Weaver
Madness in the Media: Political extremism and beliefs
in historical primacy
Beliefs in the divine descent of a nation and its glory, grandeur and even biblical origins are not uncommon worldwide. In this discussion focusing on such beliefs
amongst Hungarians and Serbs, the author demonstrates that far from being unique
to states undergoing transition from communism, similar beliefs have also arisen
over a long period of time amongst nations who have never experienced a totalitarian
polity. He speculates that just as theories of divine descent arose in connection with
royal families in monarchies, theories of linear descent from ancient peoples arise
from the logic of nationalism enshrined in the nation state. As long as such states
persist, similar theories will continue to emerge. What is specific to some countries
in transition is the relative influence that these concepts may achieve, or rather their
ready availability. This, in the author’s opinion, is not the result of any atavistic element amongst central or eastern Europeans, but rather is a consequence of relatively
weak markets and a low degree of media autonomy in transition countries.
Medialne szaleństwa: ekstremizm polityczny i wiara w prymat historii
Wiara w boskie pochodzenie i chwalebne dzieje narodu, jego wielkość, a nawet
biblijny rodowód jest zjawiskiem nierzadko spotykanym na całym świecie. Artykuł
omawia takie właśnie przeświadczenia przejawiane przez Węgrów i Serbów. Autor
pokazuje, że wspomniana wiara nie cechuje wyłącznie państw odchodzących od komunizmu i że podobne przekonania od dawien dawna żywią także te narody, które
systemu totalitarnego nigdy nie zaznały. Wysuwa zarazem przypuszczenie, że tak
jak teorie o boskim pochodzeniu łączą się z rodzinami królewskimi i monarchiami,
tak też teorie o linearnym pochodzeniu od ludów starożytnych wyrastają z logiki nacjonalizmu, który znajduje godną świętości oprawę w państwie narodowym.
Dopóki będą istnieć takie państwa, podobne teorie wciąż będą się pojawiać. Natomiast dla niektórych krajów przechodzących transformację ustrojową specyficzny
jest relatywnie duży wpływ, jaki mogą wywierać te pojęcia, czy raczej łatwość, z
jaką można po nie sięgnąć. Zdaniem autora nie chodzi tu o jakiekolwiek atawizmy obecne u mieszkańców środkowej bądź wschodniej Europy, ale raczej o konsekwencje stosunkowo słabych rynków i nikłego stopnia autonomii mediów w krajach
przechodzących transformację.
Sprawy Narodowościowe. Seria nowa, 26 – Abstracts
Michael Fleming
The use of stereotypes in the British media during the period of
EUropean union expansion in 2004:
The representation of post-communist states
The expansion of the European Union to include 10 new members, 8 of which were formerly part, or satelittes of the Soviet Union, has been understood as the reuniting of Europe.
The integration of the two halves of the continent by peaceful means, which only 15 years ago
were facing each other with nuclear weapons, is adjudged to be an epoch making triumph.
The fulfillment of the European Union project depends upon successful communication and
deliberation between the varied peoples of the continent. However, both within and without
popular discourse national stereotypes influence the direction, tenor and resonance of crosscultural communication.
This paper examines how the British press made use of national stereotypes in the
months before and after EU expansion on May 1st 2004 and explores their function, saliency and their potential influence for EU integration. I maintain that the use of particular
stereotypes is tied to the political orientation of specific newspapers and are utilised to construct a particular construction of reality. I also contend that an examination of stereotypes
within the press can shed light upon the quality of contemporary political debate within our
democracy.
Używanie stereotypów przez media brytyjskie w okresie poszerzania
Unii Europejskiej w 2004 roku: obraz państw postkomunistycznych
Poszerzenie Unii Europejskiej o 10 nowych członków, spośród których 8 wchodziło w
skład Związku Radzieckiego bądź było jego dawnymi satelitami, jest uznawane za ponowne
scalenie Europy. Pokojowa integracja dwóch części tego kontynentu, które jeszcze przed 15
laty groziły sobie bronią jądrową, oceniana jest jako wydarzenie o randze epokowej. Zrealizowanie projektu Unii Europejskiej zależy od dobrego komunikowania się i umiarkowania
w stosunkach pomiędzy narodami europejskimi. Jednak zarówno w potocznym dyskursie,
jak i poza nim, kierunek, tembr i wydźwięk komunikacji międzykulturowej są kształtowane
przez stereotypy narodowe.
Niniejszy artykuł ukazuje, w jaki sposób prasa brytyjska posługiwała się stereotypami narodowymi zarówno w miesiącach poprzedzających poszerzenie UE w dniu 1 maja
2004 roku, jak i w okresie późniejszym. Autor docieka, jakie funkcje pełnią tu stereotypy, uwypuklając ich potencjalny wpływ na przebieg integracji UE. Zdaniem autora, konkretne stereotypy używane są w powiązaniu z orientacją polityczną poszczególnych gazet i
służą konstruowaniu szczególnej rzeczywistości. Ponadto autor stwierdza, że zbadanie
pojawiających się w prasie stereotypów może rzucić światło na charakter współczesnej debaty politycznej na gruncie naszej demokracji.
Sprawy Narodowościowe. Seria nowa, 26 – Abstracts
Tomasz Wysocki
Ethnic Structure of Poland’s Population in 1931 Based
on the Declared Native Tongue
The objective of this paper is to examine the ethnic diversity of Poland’s interwar population. Despite my work being based on studies of statistical data, I have
also inserted some comments from historians to help better understand the subject
and accurately analyse Poland’s demographic situation in the 1930s. The statistical
database I have used for the purpose of this analysis is the results of the National
Census of 9 December, 1931. Using relatively reliable numerical data obtained from
the aforementioned Census, I have projected the ethnic structure of inter-war society in Poland, with the key criterion being the declared native language, its distribution in individual counties, urbanisation level, and gender.
Poland between World Wars I and II was a multinational state. More then 30%
of the Polish society was not of Polish origin. The largest groups of national minorities were represented by: Ukrainians, Jews, Byelorussians and Germans. Quite
large ethnic-language group was “locals”, that means people with unformed national awareness, resulting from census 1931 distinguished only in Polesie. The central
and western provinces were more nationally homogeneous than the eastern provinces. The most homogeneous was Silesia, and the least – Polesie. Most of Jews and
Germans lived on the ethnic Polish land, whereas in the west borderland lived populations of the other national minorities. Jews constituted the most urbanized national group that lived in our country between the two World Wars. Jews, Russians
and Germans were more urbanized than the Polish. Less urbanized were the Slavic
minorities (so-called “locals,” Byelorussians, Ukrainians and Ruthenians) and the
Lithuanians. The most feminized national groups in II Rzeczpospolita were Germans and Russians, and the least – Ukrainians and Czechs.
Sprawy Narodowościowe. Seria nowa, 26 – Abstracts
Bartosz Trawiński
Family and Tribal Structures in the Political Systems
in Middle Eastern States
Family and tribal structures are among the crucial elements which decide how
political systems in the Middle East work. Despite the expansion of such universal
concepts as Pan-Arabism and Pan-Islamism and attempts at adapting the concept of
the national union, the feeling of tribal identity and loyalty resulting from it are still
a vital and significant factor in political policies of the states in the region.
The role of tribal structures is not limited to exerting influence on the social
and political life on the local plane, but on many occasions tribal affiliation is a significant part of political bargains nationwide. Frequently the influence of family and
tribal ties is concealed by a far too obvious exposition of religious ties, while tribal
interests which in fact motivate politicians in the Middle East are overlooked.
In the era of the state reconstruction in Iraq, it is advisable to take into account
the role of this factor as it determines the functioning of states in the Middle East
region. In considering prospects for a change in this situation, it is recommended
to take advantage of the experiences of regions of the world in which the atrophy of
tribal structures already happened, namely Europe and China.
Sprawy Narodowościowe. Seria nowa, 26 – Abstracts
Wojciech Szczepański
Some Controversies Connected with the Origin of the Albanians,
Their Territorial Cradle and Ethnonym
This article examines controversies arising in 19th and 20th century scholarly
(as well as popular) works related to the ethnogenesis of Albanians and their ethnohistoric territory. It also touches on some issues concerning the Albanian ethnonym
and its origin. The author contends that, despite the existence of only limited traces
of the language of the ancient Illyrians, scholars speak strongly in favor of the Illyrian theory of the origin of Albanians. Other theories, e.g. Thracian and Daco-Mysian
(and combined Daco-Thracian) ones, are slighted, especially by Albanian scholars.
On linguistic grounds numerous ties between the Albanian and Romanian languages have been proved, suggesting a common formation in the past remote centuries.
Thus, the author maintains that due to this connection attempts to combine the Illyrian theory with some elements of the Daco-Mysian (or Daco-Thracian) theory may
occur in the future.
Another issue discussed in the article concerns the potential, overlooked by
some authors, to ignore the threat of the political propagandist use of the theory of
the ancient ethnogensis of Albanians. For example, Serb scholars raise doubts concerning the “capacity” of the term “Illyrians” and object to the idea that Dardans
could be termed “Illyrians.”
The author also presents past and present views on Albanian territorial issues
and maintains that the Albanians can legitimately be associated with the territory
of Albanopolis and the tribe of Albanoi, though not before the time of Medieval
sources– despite the fact that the two names were recorded by Ptolemy. Accordingly,
to associate the Albanians with the entire ancient Illyria is to introduce another controversial issue.
Sprawy Narodowościowe. Seria nowa, 26 – Abstracts
Wojciech Stankiewicz
The complexity and solutions for the conflict in Sudan
The conflict in Sudan began in February 2003 as two rebellious groups, the Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA), with its political wing Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM), and The National Democratic Alliance (NDA) started to
fight against their marginalization. These groups also wanted to participate in the
Sudanese political life dominated by the Islamic inhabitants of the country. The rebels attacked military objects. The losses were serious enough to cause an immediate
reaction from the government.. Attacks against civilian members of minorities were
the main point of the conflict, but it soon appeared that there were numerous other
antagonisms. First, the African Christians living in the south expressed separatist
aspirations. However, the South-North front broke down in 1991, when some Muslims opposed the National Islamic Front, the Sudanese ruling party. In 1997 a cease
fire was signed, but it did not last for long. In 2002 peace talks between the SPLA and
the government started. At the beginning of 2003 the government undertook an operation against the rebels. Despite U.S. help, the conflict flared up again in 2003.
The conflict, which has now lasted for at least 22 years, will not be finished soon.
The rebels are still fighting for independence. On the other side of the conflict there
are armed units called Janjawid supported by the Sudanese military forces. The main
source of this conflict is economic. Both sides are backed by a number of other countries. Russia, China, Iraq, Libya, Kazakhstan, Yemen, Iran support the government,
while Ethiopia, Eritrea and Uganda supply the rebels.
The African Union is involved in attempts to find a peaceful solution to the conflict. But international organizations do not pay enough attention to the problem
of Darfour, where human rights are violated daily. People are arrested, raped, and
killed. According to Amnesty International, many people are arrested just for expressing sympathy for the rebels, including those imprisoned in refugee camps who
have contacts with UN observers or other international organizations.
Sprawy Narodowościowe. Seria nowa, 26 – Abstracts
Joanna Nowak
Wincenty Lutosławski’s National Idea: Derivative or an Advancement
of a Romantic Commonwealth of Nations?
Wincenty Lutosławski, the Polish philosopher of the turn of the 19th century,
friend of Roman Dmowski and Zygmunt Balicki, as well as a member of the National League, was associated by many of his contemporaries with the National-Democratic option. Yet even a cursory analysis of Lutosławski’s academic writings indicates his Romantic provenience and fascination with Romantic national thought.
The article attempts to grasp both major similarities and differences between his
approach and the reflection of his intellectual predecessors. The author suggests that
Lutosławski’s approach is not just imitative, but constitutes an attempt (perhaps the
last one) to advance a Romantic idea of the commonwealth of nations.
Lutosławski differs from the Romantics in his approach to definitions of the nation. To understand the nation in political categories is, for him, a serious mistake.
The nation-state, being merely a form of political creation, should not be confused
with the nation. His definition of the nation relates to a cultural model of Polish national reflection in which the most crucial role is played by national consciousness.
In a tradition lasting many centuries, the supreme mission of the Polish nation
has been in attracting its neighbors and establishing close ties with Poland by them.
This mission should be continued in the future in order to transform peoples into
“true” nations. The basic principle for such ties was a guarantee of equality for all and
the freedom to maintain the language and customs of individual tribes. Lutosławski
believes that national philosophy is a universal phenomenon and should not be
confined to the one nation which is developing it. This line of thought should enable each nation to contribute to the development of universal philosophy and also
the progress of all humanity. Lutosławski’s life mission was to promote the immense
Polish contribution to the heritage of the thought of man.
Sprawy Narodowościowe. Seria nowa, 26 – Abstracts
Adrian Cybula, Tatiana Majcherkiewicz
Multiculturalism in Upper Silesia. A central european region.
At the crossroads of nations and nation states
At the beginning of the 20th century the regional community of Upper Silesia
was composed of several national and ethnic groups. Generally, the upper classes
were Germans and the lower classes consisted of speakers of Polish dialect. The issue
of a so-called “borderland identity” complicated matters.
In the late 19th century the competing German, Polish (and Czech) nationalisms had questioned the heterogeneity and multiculturalism of Upper Silesia. The
regional community began to splinter into respective national components. However, legal and moral norms were a barrier to compulsory national homogenisation.
Yet there was a relative tolerance towards those national, ethnic or linguistic “others.” Multiculturalism was also accentuated by the Roman Catholic and Protestant
Churches.
The period of nationality conflicts before WW I was accompanied by modernisation. The region experienced industrialisation and urbanisation. Illiteracy was
eliminated and a social welfare system was introduced. These developments reinforced the German imprint in the region; they also deepened the division between
the German upper classes and Polish (or nationally indifferent) lower classes.
Nationality clashes were even sharper in the period of the two totalitarianisms,
the Nazi and Communist. The Nazis aimed to integrate the Upper Silesians within
the German nation and attempted to wipe out from the region any sign of Polish
culture. The Polish Communists adopted a similar strategy regarding German language and culture. Their harshest action was the deportation of Germans in 1945.
That was accompanied by an inflow of Poles expelled from the former Polish eastern
territories incorporated into the Soviet Union. Voluntary immigration into Upper
Silesia from other regions of post-war Poland began also at the same time and continued until the Communist regime collapsed in 1989. As regards emigration, even
after the deportation of Germans was completed in 1950, the region suffered from
a voluntary exodus of Upper Silesians to Germany. All of this weakened the traditional heterogeneity of Upper Silesia.
After 1989 the revival of the traditional Polish-German-Czech melting pot has
been observed and is further complimented by the appearance of new components
of multiculturalism.
Sprawy Narodowościowe. Seria nowa, 26 – Abstracts
Jolanta Sujecka
The question of territorialism and double identity.
From the perspective of the 20th century Macedonia
As seen in texts from the 1920s by the representatives of the Macedonian diaspora in Bulgaria (Kriste Misirkov, Arseni Jovkov), consciousness of ties to a territory
is not only primary but appears also to be dominant. An awareness of the territorial identity is evident in a slogan from a banner of the Ilidenian Uprising of 1903:
“öĺëîęóďíŕ Ěŕęĺäîíčjŕ” (Integral Macedonia) and it grows whenever a solution to the
Macedonian Problem, as a negative legacy of the Eastern Question, appears impossible or unsatisfactory. For the representatives of the Macedonian diaspora of the
1920s (K. Misirkov, A. Jovkov) and 1930s (Angel Dinev, Vasil Ivanovski), United
Macedonia, that is a political structure corresponding to the “Integral Macedonia”
slogan, has a value of its own. Therefore, the solutions for the Macedonian Problem
proposed by the representatives of the diaspora in that period combine an awareness
of both territorial and ethnic identities.
The idea of interesting Europe in the creation of a buffer state in the Balkans,
a counterpart of Switzerland, originates from the same incentives that earlier motivated K. Misirkov to propose his project of the “Ido” language, which was a specific
Macedonian variant of Esperanto. For both Macedonia as the Switzerland of the
Balkans and the “Ido” language pertain to the Macedonians’ awareness of a territorial bond.
Two ideas and slogans with the same historical provenance, “Integral Macedonia” and “Macedonia for the Macedonians,” confirm a regional bond and thus a
specific type of Macedonian separatism. They are connected with the issue of double
identity. The time of the Second World War and the post-war period gave the two notions a totally new meaning. Their interpretation and analysis would allow the presentation of the axiological net determining the semantics of the notions Macedonia
and a Macedonian, and at the same time they would make it possible to understand
the complicated problems of the Macedonian-Bulgarian, Macedonian-Serbian, and
Macedonian-Albanian borderlands.
Sprawy Narodowościowe. Seria nowa, 26 – Abstracts
Anita Adamczyk
Problems of Discrimination in Poland: The Case of Gypsies (Roma)
This article focuses on current problems of discrimination against Gypsies
(Roma) in Poland. Members of this minority have experienced many infringements
of their fundamental social and economic rights, e.g. restricted access to public institutions, education, employment, medical service, and social welfare.
The first part of the article discuses the most important international documents which are intended to help fight discrimination and xenophobia within various world organizations (e.g. the United Nations, Council of Europe, OSCE, and
European Union) as well as internal legislation in this field.
The second part examines the activities of some specialized institutions which
deal with different phenomena connected with discriminatory treatment of people
on the basis of origin, race, religion, etc. Major projects directed towards improving
the quality of life of the Gypsies in Poland are also discussed, e.g. efforts undertaken
to end discrimination in access to employment, health care, and education.
The Appendix lists individual cases of acts of violence against the Gypsy population committed in Poland between June 1991 and August 2001.
Sprawy Narodowościowe. Seria nowa, 26 – Abstracts
Agnieszka Gucka
National Motives in the Lyrics of Contemporary Croatian Songs:
Patriotism or Nationalism?
The article focuses on the lyrics of select contemporary Croatian songs. The author attempts to decide what purpose they serve and poses and attempts to answer
several questions. Do the numerous national qualities and references to the history,
both past and very recent, in these songs reflect noble feelings of patriotism and
satisfaction from newly regained independence? Or perhaps do they serve to help
to close ranks before the next stage of the yet unfinished battle, and to demonize
threats and strengthen the atmosphere of fears and sentiments? What symbols connected with Croatian culture and tradition appear most frequently and what role do
they play? What is the basic subject of national pride, and, conversely, what is never
mentioned at all? In what way do individual authors of the lyrics use national myths?
And what is their approach to historic figures and events, to their neighbors (especially Serbs and Muslims) as well as to compatriots living in Bosnia-Herecegovina?
The final question is: What influence do these songs exert on the contemporary national consciousness of Croatians?
Sprawy Narodowościowe. Seria nowa, 26 – Abstracts
Agata S. Nalborczyk
The institutionalization of Islam in a non-Muslim state:
The case of Austria-Hungary and the Republic of Austria
The presence of a significant Muslim minority in Europe is an irreversible fact.
However, constantly growing Muslim immigrant community in Western European
states, that have no tradition of Muslim presence within their borders, creates problems of integrating the newcomers into the European state system.
Immigrants from Muslim states bring with them a tradition of the state model
that differs from the European secular law state. In Muslim countries Islam is integrated into the state structures, though the degree of this integration varies from
country to country. When Muslims live in a non- Muslim state their religious life encounters many difficulties. However, experience shows that Islam can function within an European state, though some modifications and acceptance of the religious
freedom principle are necessary. Legal form of Islam does not exclude such a possibility which is crucial for the integration of Muslims into the European structures.
A consolidated and significant Muslim minority appeared twice in the history
of the Austrian state. For the first time in 1878 after the annexation of Bosnia and
Herzegovina by the Austro-Hungarian Empire, and then during the second half of
the 20th century with the influx of guest workers from Turkey and Bosnia. The state
authorities made moves that allowed for the integration of Muslims into the European state structures in both cases. Official recognition of Islam (promulgated twice)
in Austria places this country among these few that successfully managed to solve
the problem in the way fruitful both for the state and for the Muslims.
Sprawy Narodowościowe. Seria nowa, 26 – Abstracts
Wiesław Małecki
Miguel De Unamuno: The Basque National Philosopher?
In Spain the year 2005 is dedicated to Miguel Cervantes, who wrote the first
volume of his famous novel “Don Quixote” four hundred years ago. This year also
marks in Spain the next stage of a dramatic struggle between the Spanish government and the followers of the so-called “Ibarretxe’s programme.”
Miguel de Unamuno was concerned with philosophy as a work of literature. His
treatment of Don Quixote became a reflection on the most important philosophical symbol of the essence of Spain. In his work he declares himself an “ideophobe”
and explores the problem of the new-born Basque national movement. Unamuno
was one of the most remarkable writers in the intellectual landscape of Spain. But
he was born in Bilbao, and his early dream was to write a twenty-volume history of
the Basque people. He was a Basque who was proud of his Basqueness. This paradox
gives us a new approach to an analysis of the political situation in the “Basque Country,” and provides new inspiration to examine the issue of the Basque and Spanish
nationalisms.